Fragment of the book "Macierewicz. How it happened" Tomasz Piątek Publishing home Arbitror 2018
In 1981, Antoni Macierewicz's closest friend and his right-hand man Piotr Naimski was invited to a scholarship to the United States. Even present specified a journey would be rather a treat. However, in times of PRL he was incomparably more attractive. It was hard to get an American visa, but even harder – for a Polish passport. The PRL authorities issued passports as they thought. They usually did not release oppositionists abroad (or even average citizens who were feared to emigrate, reducing the number of subjects of the communist regime). However, in the case of Naimski, things are different, completely different.
The following information comes from the ‘Chemex’ file available in IPN (IPN BU 01911/147). The folder concerns Piotr Naimski, and to a large degree besides Antoni Macerewicz. It was conducted by the Department I of the Ministry of the Interior (MSW), i.e. civilian abroad intelligence of the Polish People's Republic /.../ On 16 January 1981, a memo by Czesław Jackowski/.../: "On 21 November 1980, Piotr NAIMSKI applied for an yearly scholarship to the United States in Warsaw. [...] We don't know what kind of scholarship figure he got. The issue of the passport to Mr Peter NAIMSKI is being considered by the SB in terms of the positives and negatives that may arise from this fact.
Czesław Jackowski is up to something. 12 days later, on 28 January 1981, he sends his bosses no longer a note, but a study on the “figurer of the “Chemik” case”, or Piotr Naimski /.../ What does Officer Jackowski say in his report? He wants to have a conversation with Naimski, whose aim would be "to accomplish the intended effect, but not obtained by the local unit SB, i.e. neutralization of the activity of the figurehead".
How would that look? ‘It is proposed to carry out/.../ a conversation aimed at obtaining a «Chemik» as an «interview worker». All features of authenticity will be given to this fake action. In talking to him, arguments will be used:
- referring to the current situation in the country;
- indicating its contribution to the recovery process;
- emphasizing the “positive” features of his character and predispositions to
intelligence work;
- indicating his ability to get support
in abroad environments.
If «Chemik» accepts the offer submitted
I will take steps to paper acceptance (take written consent, a commitment to keep the conversation confidential, a resume, a list of contacts). In the event of a discussion, I will search to guarantee that dialog can continue."
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Is Officer Jackowski's thought put into practice? If so, with what effect? Did Naimski get recruited? We don't know. The period passes, on 2 March 1981, Jackowski returns to the subject. He writes another report, this time to the head of intelligence, General Jan Słowikowski: "As part of the operational activities aimed at neutralising anti-state activities developed by „Chemik” (Piotr NAIMSKI) we intend to conduct an operational conversation aimed at the apparent acquisition of „Chemik” to cooperate as an Intelligence employee.
«Chemik» is active in activities grown by KSS «KOR»; since its inception, it has been actively active in the implementation of the concepts proclaimed by this group. For this reason, he found himself in the interest of SB, which, from the beginning of the study, had applied to figurine [...] a scope of measures to neutralise figurine activity. They did not deliver the expected results.
Currently, “Chemik” has made efforts to get approval for a year's journey to the United States. This creates an chance to have a conversation with him in order to accomplish the intended and unobtained effect of the area unit.
An officer who will interview «Chemic» outside the premises of the MMA will appear under the legend [partially or entirely false identity created for the operation] of a Polish Information Service employee. For this to be documented, he should have the paper of that service. This certificate can be issued by the Office of MMA Technology. In addition, a letter to the manager in the aforementioned case
Offices of MMA Technology for acceptance’.
There is no letter to the Bureau of Technology in the Chemex folder. It is not known whether this cell prepared for Jackowski the "Polish Information Service" card. A more crucial paper is besides missing, namely General Słowikowski's answer to the Jackowski report. Above all, there is simply a deficiency of any study on the “successful verbal conversation” with Naimski. We do not know what the result of this conversation was – if it always happened. Its main intent must have been to evidence Peter Naimski's reaction to attempted recruitment. If this reaction were not unequivocally negative, it could be utilized to discredit Naimski against another opponents (or Americans). It would be a success to be noted in the file. But even if there were no success, there should be any note in the "Chemex" folder about the course of the "verbuncle conversation" or about the resignation of the "Chemex" file. Why isn't there a note like that?
It is crucial to know that Piotr Naimski from February to June 1992 was the head of the Office for State Protection [UOP, Polish civilian peculiar services from 1990 to 2002]. As head of UOP, Naimski had SB archives. His men dealt with them intensively during their brief office. Together with Macierewicz – the then Minister of Home Affairs and direct head of Naimski – they prepared a mirror from June 1992. On the another hand, part of Robert Luśnia's file, a close associate of Macerewicz, a erstwhile SB confidant besides associated with russian military intelligence GRU, died. It would be a unusual coincidence if it were found that the information about the verbunk conversation with Naimski had disappeared from UOP in the days... Naimski. However, there are also options:
- the papers relating to the conduct of this conversation at all to the case
hit;
- were removed from it in the times of the Polish People's Republic;
- the conversation never happened.
These 3 possibilities actually come down to one: individual taller
He graduated and told Jackowski, "Get distant from Naimski, don't effort to recruit him even seemingly." Was Piotr Naimski, like Antoni Macierewicz, “unverbal”? Is it for akin reasons?
Let me remind you: the possible "unverbality" of Macerewicz may have been due to the protection that a communist service another than SB or an autonomous unit separated from the remainder of SB would have spread over him.
In favour of the hypothesis of Naimski’s “unverbality” caused by the protection of an external service or an autonomous unit, something else proves. This is simply a remarkable intervention in his favour, which took place in February 1981.
Well, Department I gets a memo from Department III by esbek Wojciech Kashkur. He is simply a typical of the ‘national SB’, Inspector of Division IX of Department III.
Captain Kashkur is demanding that Naimski be released to the United States. Otherwise, it threatens to disrupt interior stableness in the country and the ferment in the Polish Parliament. I quote: “In the current home situation of the country, which aims to stabilise social and political life and to establish credibility of actions The peculiar government would have given Mr Naimski's passport to travel to the United States after having a preventive-warning conversation with him. This position is supported by the following facts:
- not agreeing to leave P. Naimski will not prevent them from transmitting information to the Western dispatch centers and initiating their collection of money for antisocial activity. A negative decision may besides be utilized by NSZZ «Solidarity» reg. It is more likely to launch a run against power in his case, which would not be a affirmative phenomenon in a situation aimed at stabilising the interior country. Informal force from the technological community or even launch certain Members;
- there is simply a anticipation that P. Naimski, while in the United States, will undertake anti-state activities through interviews and speeches that slander the authorities of the Polish People's Republic, undermining the political assumptions and alliances of Poland. We will aim (in cooperation with the IMA) to paper these facts on a procedural basis, which may let for the submission of appropriate allegations and possible application of sanctions upon return to the country."
Note that Naimski was not a Wałęsa or even a Macerewicz in whose shadow he acted. He wasn't very popular in Poland. If the communists in early 1981 did not want to release Wałęsa to Rome, Vatican and Pope John Paul II, it could origin a stir. However, preventing Naimski from going to fresh York could not endanger even the limited stableness of the state at the time. The PRL parliament consisted of a vast majority of obedient communist puppets who spoke, were silent and voted on the marshal's orders. No 1 would have stepped into the parliament to defend Naimski. It is even doubtful whether 1 of the MPs would be tempted to intervene in the Home Office in favour of the oppositionist (to this group associate who had influential opponents besides in opposition). Under the extraordinary note of Kashkur is the addition of Major Kazimierz Dzieni, Head of Division III-2 of the MO Capital Command: "Note: The substance of P. Naimski's departure to the US is curious in Dep. I (Town. Jackowski) in this connection, to consult with this unit before taking a decision".
As Major Day wrote, so it happened. The note went to Department I – and was the final position of Department III. It must have caused Naimski's passport to be issued. We can guess it wasn't the only result. Although Jackowski promoted the task of “a mock verbal conversation” back in early March, while Kashkur's memo is from February, it is most likely besides liable for torpedoing these bold plans. Apparently, it had to take a fewer moments before the torpedo reached Jackowski and before he realized that Naimski was under peculiar protection of Kashkur and Dzieny. As a result, Piotr Naimski walked in fresh York in the spring of 1981. And PRL interviewers, as we believe, have lost their chance to get the compromising material and blackmail the right hand of Macierewicz (which he has just reached the US).
Why did they give way so easily? PRL-owst interviewers from Department I considered themselves the elite of the MMA. They mostly despised ordinary, "national" esbeks. So who was the "national" captain Wojciech Kashkur, whose note abruptly changed the attitude of Department I, and earlier Department III – and gave Naimski a passport?
The answer is: a ministry son. His father Witold Kashkur besides served as esbek, formerly ubek. This kind of “transfer of business from father to son” was not uncommon in the Polish People's Republic. It was known that the boy of Ubeka or esbeka would show a appropriate political attitude towards the communist government and its "security bodies". He is improbable to be a "liberal wimp" or camouflaged saboteur oppositionist. In addition, he will find support with his father, who will gladly share his experience with him. Esbek's father utilized to mentor esbek's son. He besides helped him through his acquaintances with older and more influential companions.
As a substance of fact, Witold Kashkur knew his companions especially influential. From 1970 to 1974, he was seconded to Moscow, where he operated in the alleged “Wisła” Group. It was a peculiar unit of counterintelligence PRL, which worked closely with russian services. Earlier, in 1955–1956, Comrade Witold Kashkur completed a peculiar course at a higher KGB school in Moscow. ♪ ... ♪
In 1984. Naimski abruptly decides to return to Poland. Although he may be facing prison in Poland (there is simply a fishy in crime due to his membership of the NRA, which was recognized by the communists as a criminal organization). The "Chemex" folder gives us a clear image of the excitement that the Department of I the Ministry is excited to hear about Naimski's intention. The ciphers fly over the Atlantic like they're crazy both ways due to the fact that the Department I doesn't know how to handle the case. Intelligence officers do not want to give Naimski a passport to Poland. He's in problem at the consulate. He reminds the officers there that he has the right to return to his homeland. He threatens to "launch [...] global institutions to show the violation of human rights and the citizen of the Polish People's Republic who has difficulties returning to his own country". Finally, Department I gives way: “Since BP [Legal Office] estimates that we do not have the legal basis for refusal of a passport to the country, handle the substance in accordance with the regulations.” This surrender is at the same time a mobilization – you gotta do everything to guarantee that Naimski's return does not become an event. Officers are afraid that his arrival at Warsaw Okęta may turn into a press conference attended by correspondents of the Western editorial office.
On 11 July 1984 Colonel Julian Kowalski writes to the Head of civilian Intelligence of the Polish People's Republic, General Zdzisław Sarewicz, himself: “[...] The above situation justifies the purpose: to undertake operations that prevent P. Naimski from gathering abroad journalists at the airport [...]; we plan [...] after the deadline for the arrival of P. Naimski to halt him immediately after leaving the plane on the plane on the plane and to transport him to the premises of the Ministry of Investigation.”
A day later, Colonel Bronisław Zych writes to Colonel Edmund Warda, Head of the Board of the Border defender Forces (who besides controlled border crossings): “About 16 July this year or later he will return to the country from his temporary stay in the US, OPRL NAIMSKI Piotr [...]. W/w intends to fly to Warsaw and have a propaganda gathering with Western journalists in Okęcie. It is besides possible that it will take a ferry from Denmark to Świnoujście. I kindly ask you to keep the aforementioned at Okęta Airport outside the customs control zone, at the disposal of our department's officers and to prevent contact with journalists and another persons. However, if Naimski enters the country through another border point, delight halt him until our officers arrive without being able to contact another people."
But all of this does nothing. On 16 July 1984, it turns out that Piotr Naimski... has been in the country for 2 days. He even spent 1 night in his flat with his wife. Under conspiracy conditions, appearing in your own flat meant revealing yourself, leaving hiding. Still, Naimski remains a mystery to intelligence officers. They don't know where he went after he left the apartment. They don't know where he is. Above all, they have no thought how Naimski entered Poland.
A day later, on July 17, an officer signed with the initials “SK” [Stanisław Krauze] reports: “Based on [...] on the information from “ZORESA” [secret associate], that Mr Naimski may usage another way of return by ferry from Denmark to Świnoujście on 12 b., we sent to the Board of the WOP [Voice Border defender at the time] encryptogram recommending the detention of Mr Naimski [...]. Until now, we have not received information about P. Naimski's entry into the PRL – the WOP does not exclude the anticipation disorders arrival of the above mentioned; findings pending [...]. If the WOP had determined that the above mentioned did not cross the border of the Polish People's Republic, it could prove that regardless of having a valid Polish passport, P. Naimski utilized another paper authorising entry into Poland.’ There is no trace in the "Chemex" folder to show that the WOP later sent out any "fixions". We don't know if the borderers have any explanation for this accident. ♪ ... ♪
Meanwhile, intelligence officers do not decide to detain Piotr Naimski. On 30 July 1984, he himself reported to the territory Interior Office in Warsaw Mokotów “in order to surrender his passport and collect his ID”. There is an “interpreting conversation”. Naimski is spoken to by Lieutenant of Department I, young intelligence officer Ireneusz Jasinski, who uses the alleged legalization name “Hutorowicz” [a fictional name utilized as a permanent business alias].
After this conversation, Jasinski “Hutorowicz” writes a short note about Naimski: “He returned to the country on 14 July 1984 through the National Control Office [Granical Control Point] Świnoujście”. It is not clear from the text whether an officer gives this information solely for Naimski or whether he has confirmed it in any way. If Piotr Naimski actually crossed the border in Świnoujście, he should have a stamp on the passport of the MPC there. And Lieutenant Jasinski ‘Hutorowicz’ should check and note this. But there's nothing on it. The Chemex folder does not show any evidence of later interest in this issue.
Let us sum up: in 1984 Piotr Naimski returns to Poland, allegedly through Świnoujście. The PRL-Polish interview was perfectly prepared for specified a circumstance. He knew Naimski was considering the “piñouian road”. The WOP was on its feet throughout Poland, especially in Okęcie and Świnoujście. The borderers there were expected to halt Naimski and hand him over to SB for questioning and revision. But the Świnoujski WO mysteriously missed the appearance of the "figurer" at the border and passed it through the checkpoint... Of course, if Piotr Naimski always showed up. We besides do not know why Naimski risked returning to the country despite the prison conviction threatening him. The officers themselves are reasoning about it. “P. Naimski, after coming to Poland, does not intend to hide and is determined to pay the punishment for his past activity,” Jasinski says in a memo dated 9 May 1984.
Well, you might want to bow before Peter Naimski's civic attitude. However, it is unusual that Naimski returned to the country a week before the adoption of the amnesty that afraid him. The Communist Sejm passed it on 21 July 1984. And in the following weeks, the investigation against the members of the NRA was dropped under her power. Naimski was a criminal fishy just as a associate of this organization... It's an different convergence.
Thomas Friday
A fragment of the book "Macierewicz. How it happened" was made available with the cognition and consent of the publisher.
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