The first year of the presidency of Karol Nawrocki showed a politician who does not intend to be the guardian of the palace ceremony. The president builds a position above the organization divisions of the right, hard-hits with Donald Tusk's government and opens a debate about the state's system. For Poland, however, something greater than the future of 1 man is at stake: the balance of authorities, the ability of the state to act and the direction of the full national-conservative camp.
I. Office as a centre of real policy
Karol Nawrocki treated the Presidential Palace as a place to conduct politics, not an elegant waiting area before retirement. This image of his first year of office emerges from the analysis of Tomasz P. Terlikowski published in Virtual Poland. The publicist points to 2 directions of action by the President: an effort to focus the fragmented right and a long-term drive to strengthen the constitutional function of the head of state.
This diagnosis is convincing, although it requires a national-conservative correction. Political ambition is not a responsibility in itself. Poland had besides many officials ready to translate its passiveness with the letter of procedure, waiting for the approval of the organization office or fear of criticism of liberal media. The president has a mandate coming straight from the nation. It should be utilized courageously, especially erstwhile the government is trying to decision the state towards further subordination of Brussels and ideological Western fashion.
However, the boundary is clear. A strong mandate does not relieve respect for the Constitution. The will to act must service the efficiency of the Republic, not the construction of a individual court. As far as Nawrocki is concerned, it is crucial to ask not whether he wants power, but what he wants to usage it for.
II. The right is looking for a point of gravity.
According to Terlikowski, Nawrocka enters the space which Jarosław Kaczyński occupied for years. The president of PiS was an undisputed quarterback on the right. Today, divisions and sharp disputes in this environment weaken his ability to unite a wider camp. The president has a crucial advantage over organization leaders: office, direct mandate and deficiency of work for the decisions of erstwhile right-wing governments.
Virtual Poland points out that Confederate politicians see in the president a possible patron of the legislature Agreement. In specified a arrangement, the Palace would become a place of conversation between environments that disagree in economic, individual and tactical matters, but have common opponents and part of a common electorate. It's a comfortable function for Nawrocki. He can talk to anyone without immediately getting active in organization wars.
The Polish right needs cooperation, but does not request another chief monolith. Unity achieved by erasing differences rapidly turns into intellectual idleness and fighting for spots on lists. A lasting agreement must be based on a programme: defending sovereignty, border security, economical freedom, household policy and opposition to school ideology. If Nawrocki can build an efficient mechanics of cooperation around these matters, he will do work more crucial than the loudest organization speeches.
III. The dispute with Tuski strengthens the President
Donald Tusk's government treats the head of state as the main opponent. He's got a reason. The parliamentary opposition may submit drafts and organise conferences, but it is the president who has the instruments enshrined in the Constitution, including the right of legislative veto and legislative initiative. Any serious conflict with the Palace reminds voters that the current power does not control the full state.
The attacks from the government camp may harm Nawrock among coalition supporters, but not for this electorate the president is fighting today. For right-wing voters, the dispute with Tuski confirms his independence. The Liberal establishment makes a gift to Nawrock erstwhile all difference of opinion describes as a row or an obstacle to rule. Democracy is not about the convenience of the Council of Ministers. Control mechanisms be precisely so that the momentary majority cannot organize the state without any brake.
However, the president cannot depend solely on the conflict. Just blocking another people's projects does not make a program for Poland. It requires its own proposals for demography, inexpensive energy, security, civilian protection and economical subjectivity. Poles have the right to anticipate that the dispute at the top of the power will bring concrete, not a long-term performance of organization pushes paid from their taxes.
IV. Changing the constitution requires the consent of the nation
The most serious subject concerns the system. Terlikowski recalls the signals about the pursuit of the presidential model and expanding the prerogatives of the head of state. specified a change cannot be made by the rear door, by extending the authoritative practice. The Constitution provides for a peculiar procedure for its own amendment. A two-thirds majority of the votes with at least half of the statutory number of Members, followed by an absolute majority in the legislature with the same attendance requirement, are needed to change.
The current construction of the executive authority generates conflicts. The president has strong electoral legitimacy, but the government has interior and abroad policies. erstwhile both centres represent opposing camps, competence easy becomes a field of constant dispute. A debate on the order of this model is needed. However, it must begin with the answer to the question of which strategy best protects the national interest, alternatively than which strategy best suited to the current tenant of the Palace.
The presidential strategy can give you clearer work and greater control. It can besides overfocus power if there is no strong parliament, independent control institutions and precise fuses. Poland should not copy abroad solutions or change the constitution into 1 policy. We request our own model, derived from the experiences of the 3rd Republic and consistent with the rule of state continuity.
V. National scratch is simply a commitment
Nawrocki is distinguished by strong emphasis on history, symbols and national community. It's crucial to the national community. A country that is ashamed of its past rapidly loses its ability to defend its own interests. Memory of heroes, respect for tradition and sovereign language in abroad politics are not decoration. They form citizens willing to take work for the community.
However, the symbols request to be covered in decisions. The President's patriotism will be measured by whether he can defend Polish competences against the centralization of the European Union, support the family, appeal for historical fact and force a serious safety debate. The cult of physical fitness or the image of a strong man can aid in communication. They will not replace political content.
The right should besides be reasonable. Enthusiasm towards the fresh leader cannot turn into an uncritical cult. Endecki realism makes us look at the effects, staff and sustainability of institutions. Personality matters, but the state must besides act erstwhile it is led by a little expressive person.
VI. Long march will be judged after results
Terlikowski sees the first year of the presidency warming before a long fight for real power. Nawrocks do indeed have time, office and ability to focus. It can become the patron of a broad agreement of the right, the initiator of a systemic debate, and in the future the creator of his own political background. no of these scenarios are definite.
For Poles, accounts, safety of borders, the future of children and the sovereignty of the state are more crucial than the individual way of the president. If his ambition is subordinate to these matters, he can become a force in order of national policy. If he is stuck in individual rivalry and palace tactics, he will waste a ticket that no organization has given him, but a nation has.
Karol Nawrocki started a long march. The direction of this march must find the interest of the Republic. Only then will the political strength of the president be a value for Poland, not another chapter in the chronicles of the ambition of the people of power.
Source: WP News
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