Humbug “German reparations for Poland” appears and disappears depending on the electoral-propagand needs of Law and Justice. It cannot be excluded, therefore, that the imagination of the trillions from the German will return, especially if the trick of setting up a run around an immigrant issue, in fact very delicate to the PiS and powerfully recklessly chosen by spin Doctors of the ruling party.
Meanwhile, on the margins of this geopolitical counterpart of the dream about the decline of the unknown millionaire grandpa – it is worth recalling that there was a minute erstwhile Poles actually had a unique chance to get legal and financial redress, though for any of the destructions and crimes committed by Nazi Germany.
CAT who walked in his own ways
It is amazing that the current authorities of the III Republic of Poland, declaring with disgust the rejection of the full legal tradition of the Polish People's Republic do not scope for the experience of the Polish government in exile. Meanwhile, during the time he directed it Stanisław CAT-Mackiewicz, was said to be very close to the designation by the national Republic of Germany of the reparation obligations and even the payment of the first instalments for compensation to the victims of the 3rd Reich. Unfortunately, to confirm it, we most likely have only the evidence of the emigration prime minister, who, despite the tendency to overestimate his own meaning and the position of a well-read journalist, was not considered to be an individual prone to blaga and confabulation. Information about confidential conversations between Polish London was not publicised during this period (1955), and we only know them from CAT's correspondence, late in any part developed and published.
Between Germany and Russia
Mackiewicz, as the only emigration politician and author, had the courage to admit that "National policy must number with Russia, emigration policy with Germany” which somewhat referred to his earlier well - known thought that “Polish political importance is simply a function of Russian-German relations”. Unlike another emigration activists, primarily targeting the United States (in peculiar the centre Stanisława Mikołajczyk, but besides a group of the alleged "national union", i.e. the Council of Three), CAT felt that not only it was not good for Poland, but invariably ended with slipping into the inferior, executive and damaging function of abroad agentry. Meanwhile, the post-war order, built as a European and global division of influence over the corpses of the defeated Reich – seemed to Mackiewicz moved only by an agreement with these Germans (or, as he himself acknowledged in time, with the russian Union). For if Yalta were to fall at all – Germany would should be the forpost of specified a change. At that stage, slow returning to realistic positions of politician/publicist, he no longer set himself the goal of recovering his beloved Vilnius. As the prime minister of the spectral government, he was afraid at the same time with uncovering funds for the further functioning of the presidential emigration centre (threated as a consequence of worse disputes and divisions of Polish emigration), as well as, in particular, the hunger for even a substitute of political successes, anything that would add to the circumstantial shadow of the stangret sweeping the shadow to a shadow throw a shadow after the carriage...
Swiss gambit
Both of these objectives (more specific, let us admit, than the current terms of the Law and Justice) were intended to establish contacts with the German authorities. As we know from CAT's letter to Michał K. Pawlikowski of July 5, 1955, however, this initiative was to come out from the German side and Mackiewicz, although explicitly flattered by the proposal "colleague Adenauera“ At first, he did not anticipate her more than to handle current affairs, specified as facilitating the maintenance of the Holy See for the emigration government in the event of the replacement of an ambassador Kazimierz Papéego (The Vatican, alongside Ireland, Lebanon and Frankist Spain, inactive gave refugees the appearance of global legal subjectivity.) So it was more about getting the nose of EZN's competition, getting free of the disobedient diplomat and getting back the prestigious staff seat for the London "Castle" than anything more serious. However, things were rapidly temporing, and as early as 29-31 July 1955, CAT was in Switzerland in confidential talks with Germany, about which he informed his friend in 1 of the following letters – informing about the failure of the full project.
As Prime Minister Mackiewicz stated: “We've come to an agreement that the German government will pay the damages that are inactive due to the erstwhile cacetovists in the West, and my government will administer this money.It’s okay. ” In fact, if this were to happen, it would not only be a origin of livelihood for the Polish Londonist, but above all a crucial political act by the German national Republic, which under cover of compensation for Nazi crimes and skillfully putting into place the first Polish geopolitical revisionism – would gain indirect credibility of its own rematchism. Simpler? This would be both an indication that the government in Bonn, without being recognized by the authorities in Warsaw, has Polish partners and has binding agreements with them without referring to the issue of borders. Did CAT realize the danger of specified a arrangement? most likely so, but for him it most likely was decisive not only to put Vilnius and Lviv over Szczecin and Wrocław, but besides to believe that “politics is turning among reality and opportunityIt’s okay. ”
Secret Archives
However, Mackiewicz collided with reality and inability as shortly as he returned to London, where an unexpected resignation was waiting for him at the hands of an ungrateful president August Zaleski. Although it was CAT who saved the Castle from a greater political vacuum before, he was abruptly consecrated. Zaleski himself did not look for deeper motives of defeat than the micro-ambiguists and emigration ramps, but 1 can wonder why Zaleski, almost devoid of importance in Polish environments at the time, but inactive with any individual position and crucial global contacts, decided to blow distant his most faithful and powerful ally, actually at the threshold of success of an unprecedented precedent in the past of emigration. Unfortunately, the answer to these questions may be found in the President's individual archive, forwarded to the Hoover Institution and inactive waiting for a full study. After all, Mackiewicz himself wrote earlier, quoting Jacques Bainville, ‘This communicative is incomplete until the Masonic Conventions files are available”...
Politics is the art of opportunity
Mackiewicz lost, agreements with Adenauer in the summertime of 1955 were not, German revisionism was not credible, and the cacetists were not compensated. However, the full event brought CAT to a key reflection: "After the Geneva Conference [i.e. the first relaxation signal in West-ZSSR-KR relations] All emigration policy becomes a grim jester. If I remained as Prime Minister and created cooperation with Adenaur, but due to the fact that that will not be the case, so as Poles, we have only a surrender before Beirut. ...’. The next decision of the ex-premier was, as we know, his return to Warsaw.
The contemporary fun of German reparations has much to do with the dilemmas of emigration. Would it inactive not be equal to the rejection of all nonsubjective benefits obtained by Poland in their framework, regardless of the adjectives and order numbers that specify it? In that reality and within our own capabilities, have we not achieved the maximum benefit, besides from Germany, and so now we are not only in danger of losing profits? Mackiewicz had no illusions, cooperation with the Anglo-Saxons equaled in his eyes an agent whose manifestations he followed and branded. The agreement with Germany, despite its costs, appeared to him a rational choice of Poles inactive binding their hopes to the West, but with full awareness of the associated costs. Today, however, there is no knowing of the situation of our country. Fortunately, most of our compatriots do not believe in billions from Germany, but there are besides no rational recipes for how to get out of the disastrous global situation and deteriorating economical situation. Polish politics present functions in any simulation of emigration, as if inactive controlled from London, inactive mammoth with visions of the march to the East and invariably hopeless, and unhappyly in love with the West.
And CAT is back, even without millions of Adenauer. Let's go back, then. Time to wake up.
Konrad Hand
Bibliography
Cat's unveilments. Stanisław Mackiewicz in Letters, (e.g.) Natalia Ambroziak, Kart Centre, Warsaw 2020;
Stanisław CAT-Mackiewicz, History of Poland from 11 November 1918 to 17 September 1939., Voice, 1989, Issue 8.
