Many were amazed to receive the wrath of Donald Tusk, who ordered the immediate dismissal of Deputy manager of the Central Centre of Information Technology. This person, who, as the Minister of Digitization said in the erstwhile government, is simply a ‘high-class expert’ in this area, was to be unlucky to be the daughter of the European associate of the Civic Platform. However, the Prime Minister was truly furious about the fact that many activists of the current coalition, including his party, the Citizens' Platform, were "educated" in Collegium Humanum; a college that is accused of trading MBA diplomas. Tusk’s demonstrated strict rule should not be surprised. The Prime Minister and his political camp must be free of charges against their opponents. Any hypocrisy may not be involved, for we are dealing with a wide-ranging, image-based socio-technical operation, the stake of which goes beyond the horizon of post-op ambition. The intent of these actions is to permanently deprive the camp of Law and Justice of its ethos, discredit in the eyes of society and prevent it from returning to power in the foreseeable future.
From the past of the Florentine nobility
Fragmenting are the fates of the Florentine noble families, which interestingly describes Machiavelli in his Florentine stories[1]. Since the late mediate Ages, the dynamics of the political life of the capital of Tuscany have fueled, among others, conflicts between social layers: on the 1 hand, nobility (grandiOn the another hand, the people (popolo) which divided into a richer layer (popolo Grasso) and poorer crafts (popolo minuteo), apart from its core, leaving the poorest and most extremist ("naturally, they enjoy evil themselves[2]) common, besides called plebs (plebe). In her rivalry with the higher layers of the people to participate in the Republican government of Florence, the nobles went to various, not always consistent with the knightly ethos, ways.
Around 1342, utilizing the discontent of the lower layers caused by the disgraceful defeat of the Republic of Pisa and its economical problems, the mighty led to the transfer of government to the French condoteer Gualtieri di Brienne (Walter VI of Brienne, called Prince of Athens). This 1 utilized the chance to – for full approval popolo minuteo – establish your lifelong power and then bring to Arno a truly tyrannical order. The illusion proved to be the expectations of noble families that a grateful ruler would establish their privileged position. On the contrary, they were subjected to persecution, for Prince Athens relied on the full resentive commonwealth, and the lands of Florence were given to the French troops who raped the inhabitants day and night. Thus, the usual city was a conspiracy, and there were 3 layers of nobility, people and craftsmen each for another reasons. An uprising broke out, resulting in Gualtieri being effectively driven out along with those of his supporters who survived the slaughter prepared for them at Palazzo Vecchio. The common conflict with the tyrant led to a systemic compromise between the nobility and the people. The erstwhile obtained what she sought over the years: the permanent participation of her representatives in the composition of Signoria (i.e. the government of the republic exercised by elected officials, alleged priors) and another institutions all 2 months. It seemed that a lasting balance had yet been achieved, so desirable after the stormy experience of losing and regaining freedom.
However, let us give the voice of Machiavell: “By organizing their government in this way, the city could remainder if the nobles wanted to follow the average principles that are essential in social life, but they acted in a completely other manner, for in private life they did not consider anyone to be an equal associate, and in offices they desired to be masters; and all day there were many examples of their insolence and pride. This situation caused large discontent among the people, so that thousands of fresh ones grew up in place of 1 tyrant. Therefore, boldness on the 1 hand and outrage on the another hand increased[3]It’s okay. ” After ineffective mediations by Bishop of Florence, the people decided to forcely remove the representatives of the nobles from Signoria. But the mighty did not give up. utilizing the city's costly and discontented plebs, they gained the support of the lowest layers and began preparing for an armed trial. Learning to experience, the people decided not to wait, but to overtake noble houses and fortresses. "Especially his vilest layers, lusting for prey, torn and plundered all their homes, while palaces and towers were burned and demolished with specified fierceness that any cruelest enemy of the Florentines would burn shame at the sight of specified ruins and destructions[4]It’s okay. ”
There was no longer a chance of systemic compromise. The people took full power and divided Republican institutions among themselves. Restitution of anti-potential government (so-called justice statutes)[5]), and more than 500 people were deprived of nobility. It was done as much out of the desire for revenge as deliberately – to destruct the remains auctoritasthe opponent and make the city even more “people”. As Machiavelli concludes, “the defeat of the nobles was so large that it weakened her camp so much that she never dared to hold arms against the people again, and she became much more modest and human. However, this led Florence not only to displace its troops but besides to become a alien to its chivalry.”[6].
Let's leave Florence and return to the Vistula.
Contravolution
The presumption unifying the current coalition is the unspoken belief that in the years 2015-2023 there has been a "revolution" in Poland, which has devastated the Polish political and political order, built with masonry by liberals since 1989. Despite obtaining democratic legitimacy in the general elections respective times, the then ruling "nationalist populists" were to regulation in an irregular way. This attitude is consistent with the common logic presented in Europe by left-liberal groups, which assumes that democracy ends erstwhile they lose elections and returns erstwhile elections win. This is what happened in Poland on October 15, 2023, resulting in a large-scale return to Poland. regime ancien under the heading: ‘accounting’ of predecessors and restoring ‘lawfulness’.
Audits have been launched in all ministries and institutions under their control, as well as in state-owned companies, which besides concern strategical infrastructure projects. The service conducts a number of proceedings, the fresh consequence of which was the entry of ABW officers into the home of the erstwhile Minister of Justice. In parallel, the process of reorganising them is ongoing in connection with the planned liquidation of the Central Anti-corruption Office. Parliament has limited its legislative function for the control function, for 3 committees of enquiry have been set up. The diplomacy conducted a review of the staff, which was topped by the announcement of the cancellation of 50 ambassadors. The most spectacular – due to the fact that unprecedented – action is announced earlier by Donald Tusk to submit a motion for the president of the National Bank of Poland to the Court of State. The request for the liquidation of the Institute of National Memory, whose fulfilment will be equivalent to the removal of the main tool of historical policy to the Polish state, is besides increasing.
Thus, contrrevolution in Poland enters further areas, and its real interior brakes can only be social sentiments and – to a degree limited to government and nomination – the president of Poland. So far, studies of the public opinion show clear support for "accounting", inter alia, due to the fact that a large part of the public sees them as a appropriate consequence to human resources practices (those, as is known, "deciding everything") of predecessors. Contrrevolution besides has its socio- and geopolitical framework: you can't just undo the calendar by 8 years, even due to the social programs launched and the clearly imminent threat of war.
Moral delegation
Before the restaurant phase occurs, the counter-revolution must accomplish its primary objective. It is the moral delegitization of the PiS – making it a camp without ethical and cultural qualifications in the eyes of society to exercise power in Poland. The case of Wąsik and Kamiński ministers, and now Ziobry, shows that this nonsubjective can besides be achieved by eliminating circumstantial politicians from public life. The determination is immense due to the fact that the stakes of this game are of large importance to the European left and liberals. For here is Donald Tusk to compose them success story; show that it is possible to permanently defeat the “populists” increasing stronger in many European countries. This can be done even in their own backyard, which is the country of conservative Poland. That is why the Prime Minister received the European establishment carte blanche and is no longer bound by any instructions specified as the regulation of law. Donald Tusk's model of power from 2007-2014 and the 1 from the last 3 months so divides the gap. At the time, he only administered the state, efficiently utilizing political marketing. present he is at war, and his power is marked by a circumstantial form of missionaryism. The aim is to push the neck of the PiS environment and to delegate the moral right as 1 in which the Prime Minister sees 1 of the tools to permanently block the anticipation of implementing a national-swinging and conservative program in Poland.
A clear announcement of the process of posting opponents was the run in 2023 and consistently applied by Donald Tusk, and well-known to the classics of politics science, the mechanics of “an enemy criminalization”[7]. Among the symbols of his application were the slogan “Let's defeat this evil” appearing on the billboards of the WOŚP (and the passionate preachers of the rally speeches of the opposition leader, bringing rivalry against the other camp to fight good against evil). Of course, the Law and Justice Department besides applied akin treatments, though it did not give them specified a profound moral dimension. Rather, Tuski was threatened as a human being – he was expected to focus all the attacks that gained a purely individual dimension through it; he was accused, first of all, of lying and favoring abroad interests. The erstwhile Head of the European Council applied a different technique. While traversing the country, he consistently convinced Poles – citing examples of “arrogance” of power – that they are ruled by people profoundly depraved, vile and cynical, and, by the way, by “ugly” – aesthetically and culturally not fitting into the modern world. He effectively built in his electorate a sense that they participate in a great, ethical-esthetic crusade against evil and ugliness; he gave them a sense of belonging, community. The spectacular culmination of these treatments was the “March of a Million Hearts” in Warsaw, whose presentation on the then public tv completely confirmed Tusk's narrative.
It is from this position that the counter-revolutional "resolution" of the regulation of the United Right should be viewed today. Audits are intended to make or perpetuate in society the impression of corruption of the state in all dimension of its functioning. We request to check everything, due to the fact that this was expected to be the scale of the substantive incompetence, the specified quality and dishonesty of the predecessors. The committees of inquiry, on the another hand, are to show them, as in lentils, a profound moral depravity: the lust for power pursued at the cost of human life (the Envelope Election Commission), the abuse of public powers that mark authoritarian tendencies (the Envelope Election Commission). Pegasus) and cynical hypocrisy cultivated for material gain (visa scandal committee). Leaving aside discussion on the credibility of the allegations made by the committees – although not disavening the request for a transparent explanation of what upsets the public – it can be estimated that their socio-technical possible is different. The people can forgive the fact that in a crisis, especially as peculiar as the coronavirus pandemic, they tend to “take shortcuts” (the envelope election). On the another hand, perjury on the issue for Poles as existential as the case of mass migration (a visa scandal), will never forgive.
However, even specified scandalous practices as visa trafficking cannot be utilized as a rational justification for the "sanction" in the Shuch building of an effort to dismiss 50 ambassadors once, in many cases before the end of their word of office. This carries serious diplomatic costs, which even the commentators admit, which are hard to justice for favoring the right. The public communicative of the government reveals the following intentions: society is to believe that the direction of diplomatic institutions has been entrusted either to organization activists or, in the form of political gratification, to unexperienced and unprepared people. The fact that a number of places contain substantive and motivated patriots is irrelevant. The erstwhile power is to appear not as a group of diplomatic botches (the celebrated "diplomatolos" of Bartoszewski from 2007), who may have wanted well, but lacked cognition and competence. This time it is different – this power is to appear as a gang of villains, who dared to take over the diplomatic service to distribute prestige among their supporters. Therefore, the building on Szuch must be returned to all "unfairly" treated by erstwhile heads of the ministry: elder officials and "educated" diplomats, predestined to service in diplomacy through origin from the alleged "ministerial" families.
However, the strongest hit by the Prime Minister is the proposal to put the president of the NBP before the Court of State. The allegations made to Adam Glapinski are publically disproved by serious economists, so it is possible to ignore their political deconstruction with a clear conscience. There is something else that matters. Tusk is consciously coming to a close with the European Central Bank, which, unlike Commissioner Věra Jourova, is standing watch over the European regulation of law, may not leave this unprecedented movement unresponsive. What another intentions may be behind specified a bold policy as a liberal action – it is simply a subject for separate divisions. There is no doubt, however, that it demonstrates Donald Tusk's large determination to carry out the mission of culturally-morally delegitizing the opponent.
The sociotechnical operation characterized here is not fresh in Polish political culture. It was utilized by Józef Piłsudski before the planned arrest of opposition leaders in 1930, on the eve of the alleged Brest elections. The slogans of moral sanitation, restoration of justice, return to law and decency – all of this was due to the method of governing the Marshal, which he lapidally summarized in a letter to Hans von Beseler: “With Poles 1 should not argue, 1 must make a temper for them.[8]It’s okay. ” Alexander Trzaska-Chrząszczewski, 1 of the most interesting political writers in the inter-war world, said: “Marszałek Piłsudski knows very well about the fact that the Polish individual is not at all afraid with the fact that the essence of the act is consistent with the principles of morality and justice and with the principles of legal conduct, but he is very curious in the fact that the act is carried out in the first place. To make amends to this condition gives him the same moral satisfaction as a pleasant awareness of completing the ecclesiastical command to preserve fasting after a soak libation on Good Friday[9]It’s okay. ”
Returning to the current reality, further examples of the moral delegitization of the opposition can be mentioned. It is more interesting, however, whether Donald Tusk's current script was non-alternative and we live exclusively in a media-created “reality”. An unconditionally affirmative consequence would be a serious mistake. I guess there's something going on.
The Unbearable Lightness of Power
Some inactive remember that the Law and Justice went for power in 2005 under the slogan “moral revolution”. 4 years later, speaking of building a strong, protecting weaker state, president Lech Kaczyński said celebrated words about wanting to "win honesty in Poland, not cynicism and bastardity". It was this ethos that stood behind the electoral victories – from 2005 and 2015. How could it be possible that after 8 years of her regulation for the majority of the population, the slogan “coryto plus” became a word accurately describing reality?
"Every democracy corrupts, mass democracy corrupts[10]“ In this way, Jarosław Zadencki made a superb mistake for Lord Acton. The democratic government always attracts masses of opportunists, perfect careerists, or yet people who want only material gain, who for its realization in a flash forget what average decency means. It's not about moralizing, it's about stating a fact. To date, effective organization solutions have not yet been devised to defend the republic from this phenomenon; the reality proves that all regulations or prohibitions (such as the organization one, concerning the inability to combine candidateing in local elections with high-paid work in state-owned companies) can be circumvented due to the fact that human ingenuity knows no borders. The only consequence to corruption—in the classical sense of this word—is the propensity of democracy by the ethos of power, as well as the virtue of moderation.
Those who, for a moment, do not feel the overwhelming burden of power that rests on his shoulders are likely to yield to its unbearable lightness. It involves the temptation to exploit the opportunities offered by office, position, position in the hierarchy of influence. This opens up a wide scope of possibilities: from classical “partyry”, through the building of developed and not always readable clienteleist networks to unceremonious “propriety” on the public sector or yet ostentatious nepotism.
That is why the counter-revolution of Donald Tusk – paradoxically – took on the face of Maximilian Robespierre, who from quasi-Puritan positions settle their opponents with moral degrengolade and the fall of Republican virtues. "Let the law always mean the law, and justice – justice," Prime Minister Tusk quotes a passage Prayers Julian Tuwim on social media. If individual in 2014 said that specified a situation would take place in the future, it would be treated in a cabaret manner, possibly considered to have lost his senses. Today, this “crazy” has become a reality, and the achievements of the governments of the United Right mostly fall victim to the tolerance of degeneration in their own ranks.
***
In the passage quoted at the beginning Florentine History Machiavelli makes an interesting reflection that, with the final pacification of the nobility's pursuits by the people of Florence, the Republic has lost "all chivalry." So in the long term, can we be threatened with the return of pseudo- positivistic minimalism from 2007-2014? It seems that geopolitics will not let it... Therefore, the question of credibility and ethos remains. Whether the right hand can get it back is 1 of the questions the voters are asking today.
== sync, corrected by elderman ==
[1] The president Florentine storiesFr J. Malarczyk [in:] N. Machiavelli, Selection of letters, develop. K. Żaboklicki, Warsaw 1972, Fr. II, pp. 755-783.
[2] Ibid. p. 762.
[3] Ibid. p. 777.
[4] Ibid. p. 782.
[5] So-called. Ordinamento di giustizia; de facto They deprived the nobility of civilian rights, as well as the ability to carry arms. See J. Kolat, Lights and shadows of everyday life in 15th century Florence, PhD dissertation defended at Ignatianum Academy in Krakow, 2020, p. 36.
[6] Ibid. p. 782.
[7] The president The concept of politicalism [in:] the same, Political Theology and another WritingsThu. M.A. Cichocki, Warsaw 2012, p. 265.
[8] Quoted for: A. Trzaska-Chrząszczewski, From seismology to dictatorship. Political and Comparative Study, Warsaw 1930, p. 172.
[9] Ibid. p. 171.
[10] J. Zadecki, Leviathan and his enemies. Conservative Post Sketches, Kraków 1998, p. 34.
