Soldiers of the Peasant Battalions or people from this formation will be found, in fact, on the occasion of all major military activities of the conspiracy. They had a strong face of independency and attachment to the land. It is no wonder that we will besides find them in the ranks of the post-war underground," emphasises Dr. David Golik, a political scientist from the IPN branch in Krakow.
Antonina Kowalczuk, Stefan Skokylas "Konar", Anna Kowalczuk during the first halt of the “Ziemi Podlaska” Battalion of Peasants in the village of Ratajewicze, May 1944.
In the ranking of Polish underground armed formations from planet War II, the Peasants Battalions are placed second, immediately after National Army. However, I feel that this does not translate into historical memory. BCh is mentioned and remembered little and little often, even in the countryside, and if mentioned, usually in a false light, claiming, for example, that it was a leftist formation... What does that come from?
Dr. David Golik: First of all, we must remember that the vast majority of the structures of the Peasants Battalions have been managed, better or worse, to merge with the National Army. Therefore, at a time erstwhile their activity should be top – i.e. during the period ‘Burni’ and in the immediately preceding period, erstwhile there were frequent fights with Germany – the erstwhile beechmen already functioned within the National Army, partially disappearing in this formation. Sometimes they formed independent troops, of folk pedigree, but already operating under the Akowski sign (it remained more frequently the binding bechowski). More often, however, they were absorbed by earlier structures of the Armed Forces in the Conspiracy – the beech platoons were powered by Akovsky facilities, individual people or full groups were incorporated into guerrilla troops, yet the crucial BCh officers became "dublers" of the arkers at various levels of command. For example, I am referring to the functions of deputy territory chiefs or heads of individual lectures in the military vertical of the Polish Underground State (they have more frequently received their own functions).
So it is natural that many people remember the image of broad masses of accrues, not folk conspiracy. On the another hand, the accounts about the second are besides false, as the Bechow branch of the People's safety Guards established at the end of the war – the best equipped and strongest groups from BCh, whose authorities of the underground People's organization have not decided to merge. Very often, these troops carried out various tasks of order and discipline, administering penalties on behalf of the civilian subterranean unit. Hair clipping of women with close contact with Germany, imposing whipping and fines, taking possession of collaborators, executing death sentences on impounders or thieves – specified actions, decisive and essential during the war, were paradoxically not read in local environments unambiguously. Repressions were regarded as disproportionate to wines, private settlements were sought, or the usage of underground activities to “legalize” average thefts.
Against this background there were many misunderstandings, and erstwhile the authorities of the People's organization "Roch" ordered their people to close and cooperate with the russian guerrillas or groups of the People's Army – then there were accusations of cyclicalism and favouring communism. This patch was applied to the beechs besides after the war, erstwhile during the period of the Polish People's Authority, trying to further divide representatives of the independency of the underground, it separated the "progressive" beechs from the "freaking dwarfs" of the AK. Unfortunately, specified actions were besides facilitated by any politicians from the People's organization (including the creator and head of the BCh for the People's organization Józef Niećko) who later found themselves in the satellite with respect to the United People's Party's Party's PPR.
Soldiers of the Peasants Battalions of the Italian Oblast, 1944.
Why did the authorities of the Polish folk movement decide to establish a separate armed formation from the ZWZ/AK? It is most commonly referred to here as a popular disagreement over the effects of sanctions in the Armed Forces Union and conflicts resulting from this. The political conflicts before the war were surely not significant, but are they all factors?
Actually, all crucial political forces operating in occupied Poland established their alleged military women, even though they accepted the formal legal foundations on which the Polish Underground State was built. It was no different with the people who initially worked closely with the Armed Forces Union, and militaryly trained members of the SL were to supply the alleged reserve for the underground army. However, it shortly turned out that pre-war conflicts did not stop, and this was not facilitated by the fact that the People's organization became the most crucial political force under occupation. Hence, it wanted to have a crucial impact on the underground activity – both within the framework of the Government Delegation for the Country and in the Military Division.
While the function of the populace in the civilian structures of the conspiracy continued to grow, their influences in the underground army were deliberately limited by the command of the ZWZ-et, which from the very beginning sought to make this vertical free from “politics”. People saw this as an component of discrimination. They besides feared that they would lose influence on their members, nor would they have any military tools to implement civilian activities. They will be free of their “arms” by themselves remaining at the mercy of the old sawsmen. And let us remember that the ZWZ besides began to build a alleged militarized administration in the event of the outbreak of the uprising – an alternate civilian structure to the Delegation from the position of the people.
Dr. David Golik
Of course, there were besides arguments saying that ZWZ-et was being swept up by dumps and arrests, so it was not worth exposing those people who could later with their evidence lead to arrests among SL activists. However, it seems that the political origin was much more crucial in this case. Although the common enemy united, various visions of post-war Poland remained. People did not lose their ambition overnight, nor did they get free of pre-earned prejudices.
Finally, the AK and BCh commands signed a merge agreement in March 1943. With its implementation, it was different, but formally existed. The BCh Command besides did not say a decisive “no” power brought on the bayonets of the Red Army in 1944. Partisans began joining the armies of Berling and Żymierski and the Civic Militia, while many of them became a support for opposition to the communists of PSL Stanisław Mikołajczyk (as Chief Commandant of BCh General Franciszek Kamiński). small is remembered, too, that celebrated Joseph Kuraś “Fire” He grew out of the folk movement and in his ward he swore on the People's Poland. This indicates a political teardrop or, on the contrary, the pursuit of a single and inactive unfulfilled goal of agricultural reform?
The fact that peoples have been supporters of agricultural improvement and modernisation of villages for years does not mean that they imagined Poland as non-swinging and subordinate to abroad power. Undoubtedly, there was no anticipation of returning to prewar governance. This was seen both in the country and in exile. After all, it is hard to call General Władysław Sikorski a Pilsudczyk. besides marginalized by the sanctioning of socialists, nationalists or peoples played an crucial function in shaping the Polish wartime policy. Probably, if Poland had achieved a democratic face after the war, it would have been the second that would legally have gained power and implemented reforms.
By mid-1944, however, they already realized that it would not be citizens who would decide the form of the postwar country, but the Red Army and Stalin. A way was so sought to find how the destiny of Poland could be affected in the future or possibly individual decisions concerning it. Hence, the efforts of Stanisław Mikołajczyk supported by the British on the global phase and the effort to standardise relations with the Soviets. Therefore, the establishment of tactical cooperation by the beechs under business with troops of the russian partisan or the People's Army, which in many cases subsequently allowed to penetrate the structures of fresh power.
This is how the celebrated “Fire”, Józef Kuraś, found himself in the fresh York safety Office, and his people besides powered the Civic Militia created from scratch. But they're not the only ones who followed this path. erstwhile we look at all the neighbouring districts of the fresh Fair, we will see that in each of them people were sent to UB and MO and went there at the orders of their superior authorities. Besides, there were besides many arks in the militia – any of them in individual questionnaires wrote falsely that they served in AL during the war! But the Soviets and their communists could not be so easy outsmarted, and after a fewer months these structures were cleared of the “uncertain element”. Of course, there have been traitors, individuals who have sold out of new, imposed power, but most peoples have not chosen long-term cooperation. We will rapidly find them either in the post-war guerrilla or in the local PSL circles of Mikołajczyk.
How do you measure BCh's military contribution to the occupation? The most common talk here is about self-defense of the Polish village against German repressions and pacifications, recalling Zamojsko or Świętokrzyskie. Was there besides a fight against the another occupier – the Soviets?
In most cases, it appears that the activities of BCh's independent branches did not deviate from the activities carried out by another underground groups. So there were clashes with Germany, breaking up police stations "granate", releasing people from prisons and detentions. It was the folk underground that played a vital function in the fight for the preservation of the Polishness of Zamość – and I am not just referring to the protection of the Polish population against displacement and to the obstruction of colonization of these lands by German settlers. besides crucial are those actions which the beechists carried out to limit the activity of Ukrainian nationalists. The actions of the LSB peculiar Forces in combating the widespread at the end of the war of common crime, as well as the discipline of the public through the actions of the alleged Local Guard, are besides of paramount importance. Beech or people from this formation can be found in all major military activities of conspiracy.
It should be remembered that they had a strong face of independence, and their attachment to the land and Catholic religion. small wonder, then, that we will besides find them in the ranks of the postwar underground. We have already mentioned "Fire", but we should besides remember about specified figures as Mieczysław Wądolny "Avenger" operating in the Wadowice area or legendary guerrillas of Podkarpacia Józef Cieśla "Atopor". The fact that BCh was active did not defend against communist repression. After all, at the hands of UB, Colonel Narcyz the Wind “Zawojna”, Commandant of BCh on Małopolska and Silesia, and after the merger of deputy commander of the AK Kraków District. In the spring of 1945, the freeman murdered in Limanov territory suspected of contacts with the underground LSB “Resistance” branch leader Wojciech Dębski “Bicza”, shortly after Genowefa Kroczek “Lotte” was shot in 1 of the manhunts – an orderly and 1 of the most active activists of the People's Union of Women in Małopolska. The drama of the full situation is added by the fact that the injured female shot in the head of erstwhile BCh guerrilla Tadeusz Lecyn, who, while serving in the UB, gave up his erstwhile colleagues. shortly it was liquidated by a local same - defence force of erstwhile arks and peoples.
Patrol from the School of Under-Chorned Boys' Battalions from the Krasnystaw region in Stasin Forest, May 1944. Photo: WBH
Enmity between BCh and the National Armed Forces is frequently emphasized. Did there truly be specified an ideological gap and hatred between these formations? After all, without the support of the village, no partisan would have a greater chance of survival.
Against the background, besides by post-war communist propaganda, schemes, influences of the national movement in the countryside were besides large. This was felt during the occupation, erstwhile the structures of the National Military Organisation and the National Armed Forces were rapidly developing in the province, and at the very end of the war there were besides troops of Camp Combat Teams. It seems that the people were at times afraid of the activity of the nationalists and of taking over by them the most valuable and conspiratorial individuals. Of course, at the level of the leaders or political leaders of the individual groups, ideological differences were considerable, but let us be aware that the basis of each guerrilla was peasants – regardless of whether it was Akowska, Bechowska, or related to national movement.
On the same basis, the Polish village supported different underground groups in parallel – the eventual goal was to win independency alternatively than political timbre. Also, the fact that a individual was in a national or national partisan, in many cases depended on the case, individual acquaintances, activity of colleagues or relatives. This can be seen especially in the example of the post-war activities of the NSZ-etu “Zandarmeria” of Captain Jan Dubaniowski “Salwa” operating close Bochnia. His commander was an AK officer during the war, but seeking allies in a fresh fight, he tied up after the war with NSZ-et. Among his subordinates were erstwhile arkers, members of the NOW facilities, and folk. 1 of the most faithful soldiers of the “Salwa”, Józef Mika “Herzos”, acted in BCh during the war, but he did not have the slightest opposition to fight communists in the ranks of the NSZ-et.
Were BChs an crucial force in Małopolska? I'd like to ask you to name the top successes of this guerrilla in this area.
In general, it is worth noting that estimates of the full number of Peasants Battalions are different. Today, there are comparatively frequent voices calling for a revision of the existing arrangements in this respect – the individual states of the folk partisans seem in many cases excessive. prof. Alina Fitowa's investigation on Małopolska speaks about about about 45 1000 beech in 1944, of which almost half were to belong to unintegrated LSB branches from the AK. Even if these people were actually less, they were undoubtedly a considerable force, whose activity was seen in the territory of each of the occupying districts.
However, the actions of the folk partisans are mostly local actions, not guerrilla battles or sneaking out of German manhunts. The BCh or LSB branches were weaker and frequently little many than the Akowskis, they had another priorities, as a large part of their activity was to keep order in Polish society. Therefore, while the AK functioned primarily as an underground military, whose main goal was to fight enemy units, part of the actions of the people were alternatively like police and informing actions, to which Poles themselves were addressed.
But we will besides see the populaces in greater armed action, including in the battles on Skalbmierz in the first days of August 1944, erstwhile they co-created the spontaneous alleged partisan Republic. They besides derailed trains, liquidated police and police stations. It is said that they even managed to destruct a German aircraft that had forcedly landed in the village north of Miechów, while eliminating the Germans protecting it. Of course, this and many another actions require verification. We are inactive waiting for the final, actual balance of BCh's activities, as are the solid account relating to the activities of the Home Army. Only then will we be able to talk about the successes and failures of the Polish underground during the war, including those relating to the folk partisans.
David Golik – Doctor of History, Politologist, works at the Institute of past of the Jagiellonian University and the IPN branch in Krakow, where he deals with the search for victims of totalitarian crimes. He specializes in the past of the Polish underground of independency from 1939 to 1956. Author of the monograph “Partisans “Lamparta”. past of the 4th Battalion of the 1st Regiment of Rifles of the Podhale AK” and “September 1939 in the Danube Valley. The border fight and the fight over the advanced Danube between 1 and 6 September 1939."
