SURVEILLANCE
UNDER THE EYES OF ‘HENRY’ GDR — STASI
AND THE ‘Knowing’ DONALD OF THE CAR
SECURITY APART — ANDRZEJ STANKIWICZ AND PIOTR ŚMIŁOVICZ, AYTORS ISSUED IN 2008 OF BIOGRAPHY "DONAD TUSK THE typical ROUTE".
Historical Period (1980-1990) The Age of Solidarity
Written by Filip Gańczak 08.03.2019 safety camera.
To say they were friends is besides much. But friends, yes.
– Donald Tusk – young historian, opposition journalist, since 1983 editor of the underground "Politic Review".
– Detlef Ruser – 2 decades older scientist from the communist safety of GDR STASI, by Polish friends called "HENRYK".
He's been a guest at Tusk's home for a fewer years. He kept the Stasi officer informed about these visits.
– Detlef Ruser was then registered as a secret associate of the Ministry of State safety of the GDR, or infamous STASI. In the reports "Henryk" – due to the fact that specified a nickname was utilized by a safety member, an east German scientist in dealing with home security.
– Tusk is frequently called simply Donald.
Andrzej Stankiewicz and Piotr Śmiłowicz, the authors of the 2008 biography "Donald Tusk", have already mentioned STASI in the presence of the future Polish Prime Minister. The Way to Power".
A year later, we shared this communicative in Newsweek. In the BStU archive – the German equivalent of the Institute of National Memory – we obtained insight into materials that were not known to us at the time.
We found mentions of Donald Tusk equal in the archives of Gdańsk IPN. All of this consists of a reasonably coherent image of the surveillance that Donald Tusk was subjected to today's president of the European Council with "Henryk".
TELEPHONES AND NUMBERS
March 1981. In Poland they host “Christian” and “Christian” – an energetic matrimony recruited by STASI.
From a friend from Pomerania, Rumi learns about Donald Tusk, a Solidarity writer who hosted Leipzig and reviewed the organization paper "Leipziger Volkszeitung" there, to compose how the press in the GDR speaks about events in the PRL.
"Christian" and "Christian" presume that Donald Tusk is... a journalistic alias.
Tusk and “Henryk” contact on the hot topics of the Polish opposition: the deadly beating by militias of Grzegorz Przemik, the killing of Fr Jerzy Popiełuszko, or the arrest of Bogdan Lisa, hiding after the introduction of martial law.
When Tusk experiences hard moments, the German esbek, a friend, offers him “financial and moral assistance”, including accommodation in his apartment.
However, they will not be the main origin of information about the young Polish opposition to East German security.
Ruser will take over soon. Recruited by STASI in 1971, while inactive working in Rostok, he initially uses the nickname “Hermann”, and since 1976 – “Henryk”. He is happy to be in Poland, he makes contacts easily.
“I was working for a Polish teacher, and he was in a group of Germans I taught,” recalls Ewa Górska in Stankiewicz and Śmiłowicz’s book. “I introduced Ruser to Donald,” he adds.
Mountain and Tusk are good friends. In the early 1980s they work in the Maritime Publishing home in Gdańsk, they edit the “government” – close to the “Solidarity” addition to the “Baltic Journal” – they are given in the Political thought Club of the Constitution of 3 May.
On June 30, 1981, “Henryk” hosted a gathering of the club, led by Lech Bądkowski, a author known in the Tricity associated with the opposition.
About 45 people are gathered in the building of Wydawnictwo Morskiego at Szeroka Street in Gdańsk. The lecture is given by Aleksander Hall, leader of the Young Poland Movement. Mr Bedkowski besides takes the floor.
“Henryk” will note that Donald Tusk, editor of “government”, and Grzegorz Fortuna, besides sat in the Bureau.
After the meeting, Tusk sells a newsletter that “Henryk” had already acquired from another source.
Is that erstwhile they get introduced?
According to the preserved documentation, closer cognition is born a small later.
Tusk and “Henryk” not only contact on the hot subjects of the Polish opposition: the fatal beating by militias of Grzegorz Przemik, the assassination of Fr Jerzy Popiełuszko or the arrest of Bogdan Lisa, hiding after the introduction of martial law.
When Tusk is having a hard time, a German friend offers him “financial and moral assistance”, including accommodation in his apartment.
“Henryk” will note that Donald Tusk, editor of “government”, and Grzegorz Fortuna, besides sat in the Bureau.
The career of an East German visitor is successful. Since 1981, Ruser has been conducting a technological internship at the Faculty of Electronics of Gdańsk University of Technology. 2 years later, he is employed at the Hydroacoustics Department there as an assistant.
In parallel, he has another – unofficial – classes for which he is rewarded.
‘HENRIC’ ACTIVITIES IN POLAND
On behalf of STASI, he is looking at the Tricity opposition. During the talks with officer “Henryk” he draws up a sketch of Donald Tusk’s expected gathering place with “Solidarity youth group”, he transmits copies of underground press that he received from a young Polish historian, including Tusk’s telephone numbers and his nickname utilized in the underground press.
The second with a mistake – alternatively of Anna Barycz we have Anna Bajacz in our files.
In the 1990s, Ruser joins his files in BStU with extended explanations. He claims that he tried to lead the game with STASI: he provided many irrelevant details which did not constitute a secret for the Polish opposition, and whose possible confirmation cost safety quite a few effort.
The officers – as he convinces – took everything for a good coin and did not send in his place a "real pointer". It all sounds unbelievably credible.
The esbek file states that “under the appearance of a tourist trip” they brought to the gathering “illegal publications with anti-state content”.
The esbek file states that ‘under the pretext of a tourist trip’ they have brought “illegal publications on anti-state content”.
Let's presume that telephone numbers could have been found by anyone in the telephone book. But no more information about the authors' aliases of the second circulation.
On the another hand, no of the “Henryk” reports will find the underground addresses of printers or places of hiding leading opponents.
He didn't want to spend it – could he simply not have established it?
In the book “Donald Tusk. The Way to Power’ Ewa Górska talks about “Henryk”: “We did not invitation him to a secret meeting”.
However, you do not request to be in a gathering to study them later.
In December 1986, Tusk sends a letter addressed to Metz, France, to ‘Henryk’.
Germany goes to Denmark on business. Tusk asks him to take the letter with him and throw it in a message box in Copenhagen.
The favour is likely to be a way around the peerless message control system.
In June 1983, a group of Tri-City oppositionists undertakes Günter Grass, a well-known author from the West Germany, a later Nobel laureate, a gdanshan from origin.
The function is translated by author Bolesław Fac.
‘Henryk’, however, claims that the conversation was dominated by Tusk, who speaks German.
Grass had previously hosted Nicaragua and put the Sandinists there as a model for the Polish opposition.
"Donald was angry at the GG, due to the fact that he frequently utilized Nicaragua for comparisons, and Donald did not agree to compare Poland with an undeveloped country," says "Henryk".
Grass is besides shocked due to the fact that young Poles praise the politics of US president Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.
The policy he, a author close to West German social democrats, calls imperialist.
I hear that before Grass meets, he changes cabs respective times to lose his tail of security. The recording of the conversation is in STASI's hands anyway.
The tapes are brought by “Henryk” who downloaded them from Donald Tusk. The officer estimates that the sound quality is good.
Does young Donald Tusk trust a German friend?
The papers kept do not give a clear answer.
In June 1984, “Henryk” complains to STASI officer that Tusk had not arrived at the appointments 3 times late for no reason.
But then the contacts revive. Tusk even allows ‘Henryk’ to be published in the Political Review.
This is how the article “Letter from behind Oder” is written with the pseudonym Hans Schmidt.
The author presents himself as a “hot sympathizer of Polish independent movements”.
At the same time, he argues that the opposition in the Polish People's Republic should not support the unification of Germany, due to the fact that it is "mistaken and harmful to Poland".
Handcuffed to Gdansk.
On July 22, 1983, the Communist Rebirth of Poland.
A group of friends from the Tri-city opposition is planning a gathering in the Combine Huta in Kaszubach.
But on the spot, the safety defender arranges the boiler.
Piotr Kapczyński is first detained.
Later a akin destiny meets – hiding for almost a year – Krzysztof Wyszkowski.
Tusk, Wojciech Duda, Wojciech Fłuch and Jacek Kozłowski from the editorial board “Political Review” besides come in.
The esbek file states that “under the appearance of a tourist trip” they brought to the gathering “illegal publications with anti-state content”.
According to the study "Henryk", Tusk is transported to Gdańsk in handcuffs and is interrogated for 40 minutes by SB.
Officers are threatening him with a seven-year prison. But they add that he can besides make an extended account of his activities and benefit from amnesty.
"Then Tusk was brought to the police commandant, there one more time interrogated for 3 hours.
Then he went to prison and was released on the evening of July 23", reports “Henryk”. Others leave as rapidly as they do. Typical 48-hour detentions.
Advocate Jacek Taylor, a defender in political trials, reassures young oppositionists that a revision will take place at most.
According to the preserved documentation, already on the evening of 22 July, the police search the Gdańsk flat at the People's Street where Tusk is checked in.
The search doesn't work due to the fact that the young historian doesn't live there anymore. According to ‘Henryk’, Tusk immediately cleans his place from second circulation releases after his release.
He puts them in bags and delivers them to friends who are not expected to be searched. But it doesn't bring everything up.
For the last time, ‘Henryk’ meets a leading officer
November 6, 1989 – 3 days before the fall of the Berlin Wall.
After the unification of Germany – connected with Poland – remains in Tricity.
"Donald is about to review and has three, 4 writings in a prominent place in his book book bookbook, so that SB will immediately find them and do no further “destructions”, says Henry.
For Tusk, stopping from July 1983 will be the only one. But his friends are little fortunate. In the same year, in mid-December, Jacek Kozłowski is arrested.
There are besides names and telephone numbers of Donald Tusk, his wife and sister in the notebooks taken over by security.
A young historian believes Kozłowski will stay silent about underground activity. But just in case, he wants to change his flat more often.
“Henryk” advises how to behave if he is caught with illegal material: he is to say that he bought writings from a alien a fewer months ago.
Kozłowski is indeed silent, as confirmed by the preserved documentation of SB. Tusk, however, counts for being next.
In mid-March 1984, he confides to “Henryk” that he has not printed anything late and has now always a clean apartment.
He only has the brochure Friedrich Dürrenmatt – a Swiss playwright, author of the art "Achterloo", referring to the martial law events in the Polish People's Republic.
A day later, a student is arrested and 740 copies of the brochure have been found. T
0usk is broken and frightened by the success of security.
On October 20, 1985, “Henryk” resumes his matrimony to the Tusks.
Margaret Tusk tells of the arrest of their friend Piotr Kapczyński and the consequences of this event:
Donald Tusk wonders what things request to be protected from militia to avoid further detentions.
The materials of Gdańsk SB confirm: on 10 October 1985 Kapczyński is detained.
In the flat and a tiny fiat, belonging formally to Kapczyński's mother, are photographed "illegal releases", including the 5th issue of "Politic Review".
Security finds Donald Tusk's name and telephone number again.
Kapczyński – as Kozłowski had before – does not, however, quit colleagues. He claims the incriminating materials were dropped off after he was detained.
He'll be out of jail after almost a year.
“In my opinion, the SB did not know that we were doing the “Review” – Tusk will say after years, talking to Andrzej Stankiewicz and Piotr Śmilowicz.
It is not clear whether he means a short detention of 1983 or the full 1980s. If that's the latter, he's evidently wrong.
>Materials of Gdańsk SB confirm: On 10 October 1985 Kapczyński is detained. In the flat and a tiny fiat, belonging formally to Kapczyński's mother, are photographed "illegal releases", including the 5th issue of "Politic Review".
The materials of Gdańsk SB confirm: on 10 October 1985 Kapczyński is detained.
In the flat and a tiny fiat, belonging formally to Kapczyński's mother, are photographed "illegal releases", including the 5th issue of "Politic Review".
A common partnership.
June 8, 1984. Lieutenant-Colonel Hans Gottschling, head of the “Warsaw” Operational Group, or STASI resident in the Polish People's Republic, asks the east Berlin office if he can hand over material about Donald Tusk to the Polish Ministry of abroad Affairs.
There is basic information about civilian status, education, etc. There is simply a brief description of Tusk's illegal activity, which involves printing underground materials, including the Political Review.
Why does STASI want to share cognition with the Polish safety Service?
Dr. Tytus Jaskułowski, author of the book “Friendship that was not there, about the relations of secret services of the Polish People's Republic and the GDR”, suggests that it is not about the unselfish desire to aid Polish comrades.
According to Jaskułowski, at any point “Henryk” is exposed to the PRL services.
In order to leave it in Poland, STASI must justify its usefulness to Polish hosts.
– This is simply a very probable explanation – says Prof. Antoni Dudek, historian and political scientist, deputy president of the IPN Council.
We don't know what Gottschling received from Berlin headquarters. However, there was later correspondence between the Warsaw Operations Group and the advanced SB officers – including even General Henry Dankowski, manager of Department III of the MMA and Deputy Head of safety Service.
The correspondence besides mentions Tusk, though not as detailed as Gottschling proposed.
The recipient of this information is initially Colonel Władysław Kuca, manager of the SB survey Office.
On 1 of the documents, we will find a handwritten note: “The information was very crucial to K[ucy], he warmly thanked”.
On August 15, 1985, Captain Eberhard Winter directs the letter to Colonel Adam Malik, the successor of Kucy.
Winter announces that the "Henryk" article was published in issue 5 of the Political Review.
This is to prove that Tusk is in contact with an underground printer.
Malik, however, announces that he is not curious in specified information. A fewer months later, Colonel Stanislaw Stępień, Deputy manager of the Office of Studies, takes a akin attitude. The rate acknowledges that a large part of the information provided by ‘Henryk’ has been confirmed. At the same time, he is dismissive about his abilities. This is simply a clear signal for STASI: do not be besides curious in our opposition.
The Energists, however, are inactive sniffing around. So possibly SB concludes that they request to be occupied.
On September 2, 1986, Stępień sends Gottschling an assessment of the information provided to the safety Service from "Henryk".
The paper states that “Henryk” has access to people and matters that “we are curious in operationally”.
Streak suggests further control of Tusk's activities, "especially with a view to developing possible channels [connections] with hostile centres in the West and function in illegal printing sites".
That might explain why a young historian is inactive avoiding arrest.
Tusk is not a crucial adequate figure of opposition to be utilized propagandaally.
On the loose, he gives hope that we can gather more information about his contacts. Moreover, the authorities of the Polish People's Republic just announced another amnesty, and shortly most political prisoners will return home.
The tasks which Stępień tried to designate ‘Henryk’ are not carried out.
The German's contact with Tuski is about to end. The last gathering that I found in the STASI file was in December 1986.
During this time, mostly Bogdan Borusewicz – 1 of the leaders of the Tri-City opposition, released from custody in September 1986 – appears in the reports "Henryk".
For the next 3 years, Germany tries to be as close to Borusewicz as possible. For the last time, “Henryk” meets with an officer leading on 6 November 1989 – 3 days before the fall of the Berlin Wall. After German unification – connected to Poland – remains in Tricity.
The text originates from the number 2/2015 of the monthly "Memoir.pl"
IPN
Copyright © 2023 Institute of National Memory – Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against the Polish Nation - All rights reserved. ISSN 2719-8510
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