Contrary to the fresh alarmist voices of the alleged increasing power of Germany, rumours that our western neighbour is laboriously recreating that could endanger our empire are among those powerfully exaggerated.
This is proved by the facts, but besides by the opinions I had the chance to perceive to during the talks I had late with German opposition politicians. First of all, we are threatened by the increasing militarisation of the German economy. They revive historical demons. Germany is building an army, charging billions of euros, and – knowing the latest past – this must inevitably end badly. This does not sound very good, but only until we begin to realize that the German possible is not created by the Germans, and its possible future usage will besides depend not entirely on the Germans.
When we look at the structure of Rheinmetall's property and another giants operating in the republic of the national industry, we will rapidly realize that it is companies... not rather German. A large part of their shares are controlled by international, large investment funds usually based in fresh York City, and so a network of Atlantic capital, politically expressed by the ideology of modern globalisation. And the usage of the collected weapons will only be possible with consent, acceptance and in the interests of the ruling class behind the Atlantic. We can see this by reading the late loud Palantir corporate manifesto signed by its president, Alexander Karp (the same 1 who late visited Kiev, announcing cooperation with the Ukrainian army in the area of weapons based on artificial intelligence). The German military power will so not, in fact, be German – Berlin is meant to become an armed arm of the right-wing variety of globalisation, according to the current concept. Friedrich Merz's past in global Anglo-Saxon-controlled financial structures is no coincidence.
Secondly, the old pattern of scaring us with the German-Russian alliance above our heads is constantly being used. However, specified an alliance would be possible provided that each of these countries has real subjectivity. The sovereign forces in Berlin advocate, yes, dialog with Moscow. However, their demands are limited to energy cooperation, which is besides beneficial for us. Let us remember that Poland is the natural transit country for Russian natural materials aimed at German customers. And this puts us in a position where any country of common sense would benefit greatly. We do not mention that – whether we like it or not – we are part of a single economical space, and our economy is mostly supported by the function of a subcontractor of the German industry.
Finally, we face akin external challenges, specified as migration, including uncontrolled ones. Let us remember that the destabilisation of Europe's immediate environment automatically causes an influx of immigrants, which both of our countries are incapable to absorb and even more so assimilate. Moreover, there is simply a threat from the Ukrainian direction; in this case, we are not only a destination country, but besides a transit country on a fresh smuggling way for people, weapons and prohibited substances, besides leading to Germany.
So we have clear, common interests. These interests may combine Polish and German sovereigns, who realize that we are on the same boat. That the nonsubjective interest of both of our countries is: 1) to end the war in Ukraine as shortly as possible; 2) normalise relations with Russia and reconstruct safe supply of energy resources; 3) Protecting borders against the influx of immigrants, including the Ukrainian route.
Then we have something to talk about. There may be crucial political changes in our western neighbours soon. Subsequent polls indicate that the position of the leader can be counted as an alternate for Germany (AfD). First, this group can gain power in respective east states, and remember that in the German national strategy it is already a real influence on politics. Later – who knows – we cannot regulation out that this group will have a major influence on the national government in Berlin. Therefore, it makes sense not only to search out contacts with him, but besides common issues that unite us. In contrast to insulting the reality and the stereotypes that make German right-wing sovereigns consider people of anti-Polish and revisionist views.
Mateusz Piskorski
Think Poland, No. 21-22 (24-31.05.2026)
