The Polish state's rationale is the Cominal Union (but not the national Union), with a strong economical core, ready to rebuild the European offer for the world, respond to safety challenges, renew the foundations of democracy in the community. A Union that will supply us with another 20 years of development. Finally, around 2027 we will become a net contributor, which means that we will invest in the Union. How do we want to get the return on this investment? It is advanced time to believe that we are able to truly influence the directions of improvement of the European Union – according to the Polish state ration.
The ball is in play: in the last days of May, president Emmanuel Macron and Chancellor Olaf Scholz made a proposal on the form of Europe, which is only a modest image of the 2 previously presented visions. besides modest for the needs of the EU, at the borders of war. What could be our offer?
Let us guarantee that the EU is responsible
How do we describe the change we will face with the EU? The fresh rules of the global game can be described as a “tangled world”. For example, sanctions against Russia: it would be fair to immediately take over the assets of its central bank and take access to the SWIFT payment system, but fear of undermining the bases of the dollar and the euro as an global currency weaken this direction. The second illustration is abroad investment: as the Economist writes, abroad investment flows are decreasing and the expected hazard premium for abroad investment is increasing. Coalitions at the intersection of global production chains and geopolitical alliances specified as AUKUS and the Belt and way Initiative are gaining attractiveness. The 3rd example is climate and the request to reduce CO emissions2 To zero. It pays to wait with all countries. However, protracting will trigger migration at EU borders – and in this respect, the EU must already act, cooperate with its neighbours to address climate challenges.
A key tool without which the Union has no chance of uncovering itself in a "tangled world" is greater decision-making and implementation. We request a stronger Union, but not necessarily a national one. The EU needs to respond to global challenges in a finite number of moves, not in a long-term political process. Let us so strengthen the most effective power axis in Europe: the 1 between the Commission and the European Council. After all, it was her, not the cooperation of governments with Europarlamento or Parliament with the Commission, that allowed the Union to hold its capacity to act in the face of the covid crisis or the war in Ukraine.
The primary tool that the Union needs to find itself in a “tangled world” is greater decision-making and implementation. The EU needs to respond to global challenges in a finite number of moves, not in a long-term political process. Let us so strengthen the most effective power axis in Europe: the 1 between the Commission and the European Council.
Let us harden the EU's economical core
For 20 years, access to the common marketplace and EU funds created an extraordinary improvement space for Polish entrepreneurship. Poland was 1 of the fastest developing countries in the world. In order for the next decades to be equally fruitful, this "trampoline" must be reformed - which is in the interests of both our country and the full Union.
The benefits of the current EU budget of 1% of GDP are known and will be hard to accomplish additional results under these measures. An highly hard task will be to compensate for the increasing instability of the global environment. Let us so give the EU a larger budget: 3% alternatively of 1% of GDP. However, no more than 3%, as a budget of 5-10% would mean real federalisation of the EU and the transfer of the national political process to the European Parliament. A rational increase in the budget would let for more ambitious programmes, besides of Polish interest, specified as technological and defence initiatives, enlargement of the EU and the conduct of investment policy in key areas outside Europe.
The second component of Poland's success in the EU is access to the common market, which is inactive incomplete. The free movement of services and development/enhancement of the Capital Union are 2 outstanding areas that require peculiar attention. The first will let further improvement of digital services in Poland, and the second will supply backing for the essential investments. Importantly, the improvement of the Single marketplace must be in the interest of the Union as a whole. We request more than a common capital space to invest German capital, which has just disappointed the Chinese marketplace and is looking for an alternative.
The enlargement of the EU budget would seal the importance of the euro as a centre of political integration - it would be the euro that represents the hazard of joint programmes and additional expenditure would be partially financed from common debt. The arguments in favour of adopting the single currency will then grow.
The benefits of the current EU budget are known and it will be hard to accomplish additional results under these measures. An highly hard task will be to compensate for the increasing instability of the global environment. Let us so give the EU a larger budget: 3% alternatively of 1% of GDP. This will let for more ambitious programmes, which are besides in the Polish interest, for example, of technological and defence initiatives. It will besides be beneficial for Poland to complement the common marketplace in the area of capital union and more efficient movement of services.
Let us rebuild the European offer for the world
In parallel to consolidating the core of the Community, let us answer the question of what the Union has to offer the world. utilizing a larger budget, the mass of the common marketplace and determination, let us show that the Union is inactive capable of: expanding, creating fresh technologies, promoting green transformation. On the basis of the common market, we can offer our partners “on order development”, i.e. the growth trajectory tested by Poland, Spain and Ireland. From an EU perspective, extending the Community's borders to Ukraine and the Balkans will improve safety and make space for European businesses. A decently formatted improvement offer should besides be a tool for geopolitical work with another countries that are crucial for the EU: those on the east border and on the Mediterranean; those on which we are competing with China; those against Russia's current policy.
The technology investment support programme and the verified Green Deal 2.0 are needed yesterday. It is appropriate to agree with president Macron, who considers investment in breakthrough technologies a priority. The combination of R & D investment and the transfer of production chains to Europe is an attractive possible for our country. We inactive have a fewer industries that may be in Poland (biotechnology, electronics, AI, quantum computers). We're close and we have educated staff.
Let us respond to safety challenges
In the planning of EU action, we must not simply be optimistic. In the “tangled world”, more countries will become convinced that they can play for a higher stake and realize their imperial dreams – including Russia, Iran or China.
Greater sovereignty will be ensured by NATO-compatible defence structures and the integration of energy and transport infrastructure. 3% of GDP for defence spending should be required by the EU as a standard for the next fewer years, until the EU regains real impact capacity (at least in its immediate surroundings).
Let us make the Union more sovereign through NATO-compatible defence structures and the integration of energy and transport infrastructure. 3% of GDP for defence spending should be required by the EU as a standard for the next fewer years, until the EU regains real impact capacity (at least in its immediate surroundings). The road must lead by NATO, due to the fact that we are talking about challenges spread over time for 2-5 years, not a decade and a half.
The construction of a European brigade or division capable of operating below the NATO intervention threshold is possible. Freedom to transfer defence and fuel within the EU in any direction, without additional technological or legal intervention, should be ensured. The infrastructure needs full cost-effectiveness and the elimination of its bottlenecks.
Industrial policy can go hand-in-hand with these actions, provided that producers from across the EU participate in the procurement process and open up to technological cooperation. The desire to exclude producers from the purchasing policy from outside the ocean or their capital-related European suppliers does not seem desirable or realistic in the context of existing challenges.
Let us renew the foundations of EU democracy
There is no single prescription for the sum of social tensions caused by the technological revolution, changing roles, transforming jobs, access to news, geopolitics, climate or morals. Instead, they can be better resonated in democratic discussion, thus reducing the distance to power and strengthening channels of dialogue.
EU democracy must be immune to the malice of destiny and rivals. Under equal application, it is worth agreeing conditional access mechanisms to the EU Funds or other, appropriate to the situation of the recipient, measures to remedy corruption of the elite by external actors. The introduction of minima in the field of media governance or combating misinformation is open topics worth discussing.
Let us besides anticipate a truly democratic Union, ready to extend its economical core beyond the Rhine basin, beyond drawing the Charles the large empire. This would service to deepen the single marketplace and increase the budget. Not so much for transfer purposes as to advance access to improvement opportunities.
