The question of what right-wing needs Poland returns after 1989 rather regularly. Especially erstwhile groups representing this attitude or political kind find themselves in a more or little profound defensive position. Today, specified a situation has undoubtedly occurred. Although the right although arithmetically the election won in the fall of 2023, she failed.
Unseen Disaster
The current conditions under which right-wing policies are found include not only inability, despite victory, to make a government. These are besides unfavorable circumstances in global politics in the West. 1 cannot ignore the apparent fact that the ideas of the utmost left have been absorbed by the liberal centre in fresh decades. They are the ones that set out European policies. They put direct force on all action going from center to right.
The problem with which we face the right after 9 months of regulation in Poland of a extremist centre-left coalition is that the right did not draw any conclusions from the situation in which it found itself. It is hard to find any symptoms of discussion and even an intellectual settlement of political failure in the communities close to the Law and Justice and the Confederation or the PSL. Yeah, the PSL lost, too, but I don't think he's noticed it yet.
Law and Justice act as if it had not lost the position of Hegemon and was about to return to power. In spite of the dynamic state crisis, the Confederate acts like a peculiar rocoche. Devoid of a sense of interest in the destiny of the Republic, only aimed at the future, very vague possible of self-power. And the PSL, as a class organization and pragmatic, but about the conservative electorate, is in the mediate of a national demolition camp led by Donald Tusk and is increasingly losing support.
Over
Donald Tusk's large triumph is precisely that he managed to convince right-wing groups not only that they don't have to, but that they shouldn't talk to each other. He perfectly exploited the possible of right-wing politicians to long-term remember injuries and to differentiate from secondary issues. Undoubtedly, he has besides successfully exploited the ambitions of individual leaders.
There are, of course, differences between right-wing parties and even crucial differences in any areas. However, the majority of Polish voters are inactive people, with views that can be attributed to programs of the defined right. The strategical failure of right-wing parties stems from the weaknesses of their leaders, who have become entangled in political tactics.
Confederation Against Liberal Authoritarianism
However, is it possible to find a strategical common base for the 3 parties with the possible to call a right-wing electorate? Today, without doubt, specified a point should simply be the conviction of the request to halt the demolition of the state and its transformation into liberal authoritarianism.
This authoritarianism is about the government's always more daring bypassing the structures of the state itself represented by the constitution, offices, laws or courts. In matters of existential importance, i.e. in the area of the protection of life, individual freedom and freedom of speech, dispositions are issued by means of resolutions or guidelines not only of constitutional, but even of the legal basis.
However, the confederation against liberal authoritarianism will be able to get active if the right-wing parties start talking to each another and take Poland's welfare as a common perspective. For now, each of them is focused on its own interests and each of them, for this reason, loses its different potentials.
Back to Rules
The readiness to talk together to halt the demolition of Poland, however, is only the starting point, which, as you might think, is in the common possible of Law and Justice, the Confederation and the PSL. Without abandoning the harsh language, trying to backstage the boundaries of the remaining groups and their dominance, 1 cannot go further.
Rejecting a liberal policy of fighting for a more rational policy should be the basis for a political agreement on the right. For present only the agreement of the right-wing parties can halt the process of escalating Polish democracy towards permanent Rokosz war.
This war, day after day destroying the legal structure of the state, is transformed by a fallen state torn apart by struggling contenders to tyranny. It is the tyrants who regulation not by mention to the law, but by their own decrees, decrees and guidelines supported only by the threat of utilizing the apparatus of violence.
It is essential to halt Jacobian democracy, to decision distant from the expression of law “as we realize it” and its nihilism. In this case, the function of the Confederacy and the PSL would not be overestimable. Politicians of these parties would gotta convince PiS leaders that not only Donald Tusk's Jacobinism is bad, but the same applies to Jarosław Kaczyński's Jacobinism.
Independence and sovereignty
The recovery, at least at an simple level, of interior sovereignty is 1 of the crucial goals on the way to Polish political freedom. Integrating the state and the nation is essential to conduct interior and global policies. To do so, however, it is essential to balance the will by reason. The possible for specified a policy transformation exists only on the right.
This kind of integration should be followed by the education of the ability to appear from tribal reflexes, which are mostly based on the desire to destruct it by political opponents. Without seeing whether or not there were right reasons behind their action that should be considered.
In global matters, education of the integrated core of the state, having not only strength, but besides its own ratioIt's necessary. In the process of leaving political clientelism and imitationism waiting for Poland, we cannot manage without the force of the decision centre. Customerism has become a Polish way of acting, as a state at least since 1945. Clientelism towards Soviets, the United States or Germany. It's a long and bad tradition. individual has to break up with her.
The clientelistic attitude has shaped our nation's mentality so much that very frequently as a society we cannot separate between criticism or taking our own different position from breaking alliance relationships. We are afraid that the announcement – in 1 or another – of our own position will end with political rejection.
In modern language, we have become heirs to a postcolonial mentality with a dismembered identity, a mentality without a centre. So is our country.
Without systematic state action, we will not be able to cope with the problems that Poland is facing in the coming decades. Decisions on national security, migration, geopolitics or demography cannot be avoided. This besides applies to the position of our country within the European community, the demands of imperial centralisation of Europe under the motto of federalisation or fresh ecological and economical governance. Good – even if not optimal – decisions cannot be made without the interior freedom of Polish politics.
Watching Donald Tusk and his acolytes rule, we can see that only in the right-wing coalition – not the hegemony of 1 organization – can we look for certain hopes for our country. The good work of the fresh president would besides be necessary.
Common part
However, it is right for many to point out that the programme differences as well as the differences in the kind of political reasoning between Law and Justice, the Confederation and the PSL are significant. But must they become an obstacle to the creation of a coalition and a common government?
Of course not. In the face of today's chaos, the right-wing parties and their hypothetical coalition should stand primarily at the Constitution of the Republic and the legislative acquis of the Polish State.
This is not just about its method aspects, which break or long political disputes. The Constitution and the very rich case law of the Constitutional Court have much more to offer us. The existing Constitution, so frequently criticized by the right in the past, has its advantages.
Written to a large degree by liberal and post-communist parties, but under the force of the inevitable referendum proved to be a balanced paper over the years that could be defended by the broad front of right-wing politicians, but besides many of the centre. Moreover, widely accepted by society.
The simultaneous constitutional references to Christian heritage and guarantees of civilian rights and freedoms are an expression of a political form which is present radically challenged. This form should be treated by the right as part of the common Polish planet of references.
Does this mean that Poland could not have a better constitution? Of course she could have, however, now it is simply not possible.
Bold Right
Right-wing parties in Poland must besides deal with another problem. It is about getting free of the habit of submission to left-wing narratives, as well as the tendency to disregard its constituents.
Examples of the first problem can be found in European policy. A fewer months ago, the Liberal media termed the “high right” organization Marine Le Pen supported the constitution of the right to prenatal execution in France.
The right, which makes the anti-human elements of the Liberal and Left program credible, ceases to be the right. Moreover, it becomes guilty of social mischief, as in practice it drags its electorate – under the slogans of right-wing mobilization – to the side of the revolution. We must not forget that politics together with the media are possibly the strongest formation factors of our era.
A akin distribution, possibly even deeper, has touched British Conservatives who have become completely openly and straight part of the revolution in their country in fresh decades. A revolution involving the rejection of many simple guarantees specified as the right to life, freedom of expression or security.
Polish errors
The Polish right, especially the ruling 1 over the last 8 years, has besides made many mistakes. Take 1 very concrete example.
She allowed herself to believe that she had lost the parliamentary elections by directing to the Constitutional Court the substance of protection against killing unborn children sick. But the fact is, she lost by her own inactivity.
The Left and Liberals managed to convince many Poles that the Constitutional Court's ruling means that pregnant women in a life-threatening situation will not be rescued. This was due to the fact that PiS leaders refused to identify with 1 of the most crucial issues on the agenda of their own electorate. The judgement of the Constitutional Tribunal should be shielded by a wide scope of information and guidance to doctors. There should be training to prevent panic among doctors.
However, the problem of not identifying with its own election in the circles of the PiS is deeper. The issue of life protection had to be addressed first after the 2015 election. alternatively of dismantling the Constitutional Court. Before there was a large mobilisation of hostility and propaganda ready to repeat all lie about the actions of the right-wing government. However, time and strength were wasted to destruct institutions.
The lesson of political tactics is besides to be done.
Forty-five years RMP
I noted these thoughts by listening to the voices of people who met to talk about Poland without a public pump in the context of the almost half-century declaration of the Young Poland Movement. This 1979 illegal political manifesto was a historical act. Although signed by respective twelve 20-year-olds, it turned out to be the beginning of reconstruction of the conscious identity and tasks of the ideological, but besides the prudent right in Poland.
In view of the voices that can be heard in the public space, saying that this kind of political reasoning lies stray on the political agora, it was worth listening to this conversation and returning to its starting point.
It's true. It was besides possible during this gathering to hear voices that RMP had failed due to the fact that it did not formulate an independent and effective political agenda in its time. You can either agree with that or not. However, the bold and nonconformist expression published in 1979 of the declaration should inactive be 1 of the mention points in reasoning about Poland.
Tomasz Rowinski
The RMP programme declaration on 18 August 1979 was signed by j Alexander Hall, Jacek Bartyzel, Marek Jurek, Arkadiusz Rybicki, Mirosław Rybicki, God of Rybick, Magdalena Modzelewska, Jan Samsonovich, Darius Kobzdej, Peter Dyk, Andrzej Słomiński, Grzegorz Grzelak, Danuta Grzelak, Ireneus Gust, Zofia Kruszyńska-Gust, Gabriela Turzyńska, Andrzej Jarmakowski, Zbigniew Dulkiewicz, Isabella Dulkiewicz, Piotr Bystrzynowski, Leszek Jankowski, Maciej Grzyżaczewski, Piotr Mierecki, Krzysztof Nowak and Edward Maliszewski.
