Given the global context, it is in Poland's interest to strengthen European integration – this is simply a conclusion from the gathering of the subject "European Union and the World" which took place on 19 November as part of our faculty for students of the University of Warsaw. Our guides were Dr Filip Skawiński, a political analyst at the European Commission's Representation in Poland, and Dr Patryk Kugiel, a elder analyst for India and South Asia at the Polish Institute of global Affairs.
How is the EU present in global policy and what tools does it have?
Mr Skaviński recalled that, first, the European Union has external policies that go beyond action within the Union itself. It has its MFA – the European External Action Service (EEAS), has its diplomats, delegations in various countries. Secondly, the European Commission deals with sectoral policies that have external aspects specified as trade, development, crisis aid policy, customs policy.
A common EU abroad policy is to agree on national policies, the unanimity of all EU associate States is required. This is not the case in trade policy, which falls within the exclusive competence of the EU. The EU is simply a associate of global organisations erstwhile dealing with issues of EU competence. For example, the Union has its seat in the planet Trade Organisation, the G20, where the UN is only an observer.
Mr Kugiel explained that the EU could be seen as a regulatory, regulatory and soft force. For example, through its standards, the Union creates an global agenda on climate protection, carbon taxation on gaming, artificial intelligence or net regulation. It promotes human rights (Member States even like to drop promotion of human rights in the EU, due to the fact that it is sometimes poorly seen in the world). However, there has been doubts whether the EU is inactive this soft power. possibly he's already trying to be a tough force, to approach relationships more transactionally, to defend his interests.
Does the Union supply added value to associate States, or does it restrict them in global relations?
According to Patrick Kugiel, from the point of view of tiny and medium-sized countries specified as Poland, multilateralism and global rules constitute a protective barrier. Besides, it is all Europe, not Poland, that can be a partner for China or Brazil.
In his view, the global context, relations with powers should contribute to strengthening European integration, due to the fact that for demographic reasons, GDP, Europe is losing its importance and only greater integration will make the EU a small more important. For now, external countries are trying to play EU associate States in bilateral relations. It is in Poland's interest to strengthen integration.
According to Filip Skaviński, Poland is incapable to conclude a trade agreement as favourable as the EU. He noted that the trade agreement with Mercosur, which is referred to as a threat to agriculture, is besides an chance for industry. He besides disagreed with the thesis on the function of associate States by 3rd countries, as many decisions are taken at EU level. Although national interests can be seen in these decisions (e.g. the absence of anti-dumping duties on Chinese electrical cars was due to the fact that Germany was afraid for its exports to China).
The Commission official's task of moving distant from unanimity would be more effective, but it is improbable that EU citizens presently want to do so, so the institutions do not mention it.
Is the request of unanimity blocking something?
As Filip Skaviński recalled, the request of uniformity blocks the process of enlargement of the Union. For example, Greece has blocked the Moldovan accession process for respective years due to the fact that it did not like its name. erstwhile Moldova changed its name to Northern Moldova, Bulgaria began to block due to the Bulgarian minority. Sanctions for human rights violations are besides blocked. You besides usage veto to play something in a completely different area of EU action.
Patrick Kugiel stressed that by unanimity decisions are delayed, diluted. For example, there is no EU position on Gaza. There is no common condemnation, no EU mission on the ground.
What if we compared the EU to another integration organisations? According to Filip Skaviński, the EU can be compared to a country alternatively than another organisations.
EU improvement aid
As the Commission authoritative pointed out, the EU is its biggest donor of improvement assistance (EU institutions plus countries individually), but it does not give it unconditionally – it is linked to values, human rights. The Union says – we will give you this and that, but in return do both. Unfortunately, corruption besides eats up any of the aid. China comes and says – we'll give you credit, and if you don't pay, we take over the investment. They do not order values, they do not give additional requirements.
According to PISM analyst, improvement aid is the most crucial EU external policy after trade policy. It is frequently based on the EU's relation with 3rd countries. It is part of the EU's soft force. EU money creates schools, investments in wellness care. More than half of overall improvement assistance comes from EU institutions and associate States.
Mr Kugiel stressed that the EU had begun reshaping its improvement aid. It is now intended to service more the interests of the EU, although, under the Treaty, it was simply intended to support more needy countries. After the migration crisis of 2014/2025, these changes take on pace. Assistance is besides conditional on cooperation in reducing migration. aid is provided so that people do not gotta emigrate. The second point is to supply the EU with access to minerals, natural materials, promotion of European companies. Now it is said in an open text that this aid is to service the EU itself.
According to Patrick Kugiel, Poland can take advantage of the fact that it was not a colonial country and can be an intermediary in relations with 3rd countries, a more authentic partner of developing countries – due to the fact that despite the declaration, relations with erstwhile colonies are not full partnered.
Joanna Różycka-Thiriet
