When King Solomon gave the judgement to cut a surviving kid in half with a sword and each of the women arguing for motherhood to give half a child, he did not truly intend to cut it. It was an effective run to make the false parent fall off the mask. president Karol Nawrocki besides aspired to issue specified a “salomon judgment” erstwhile he announced by the mouth of his ministers that he would divide six legally elected judges of the Constitutional Court into a smaller and larger “half” and that the vow would only take distant its smaller group. Regardless of his desire and aspirations, Nawrocks in his actions was a circumstantial “child” he actually cut in half and committed his premier constitutional délict.
One can already slow lose religion that the Constitutional Tribunal will regain its appropriate function in the current constitutional system. He was the first victim of the departure of half of Polish political elites from the rules of the regulation of law in 2015 and the possible of restoring him to a legal and correct framework is constantly moving away, alternatively of getting closer. With the failure of Democratic organization candidates in the 2025 presidential election, it became virtually clear that the communicative of the collapse of the tribunal does not end, but enters the second period of a very embarrassing series.
Karol Nawrocki at the early phase of his professional career was the alleged goalkeeper, but not in Lechia Gdańsk, only unfortunately at the Grand Hotel in Sopot. possibly from this reserve of experience he remained prone to alleged selection at the entrance. possibly it was the impulse that prompted him to make the selections chosen by the Polish Sejm – in accordance with the Constitution and the Act – of six judges of the Constitutional Tribunal and to take the oath from 2 and the another 4 to “fall into the long”. The political key at the same time seems clear: the judges elected from the advice of the conservative groups of the Democratic coalition – PSL and the erstwhile Holowna group – who at the same time did not "split" in the eyes of the PiS camp and the president, had previously been active in associations defending the regulation of law in Poland for the days of the regulation of the Law.
In addition, the motivation for passing through the presidential selection of 2 judges elected by the Democrats lies, of course, in mathematics. Nawrocki wants to keep the written majority and control of the Constitutional Tribunal by 2027, but at the same time guarantee that the tribunal can sit in full 11 judges. This means that just 4 judges elected by the Democrats had to be "shot off". It's a clear idea.
On the right hand side there are various explanations of the curiosity verdict of the unsuccessful Polish Solomon. The authors of a constitutional complaint against the erstwhile passed bill propose procedural errors related to the time limits for the selection of 4 judges, although why these 4 omitted by Nawrocki – even they cannot explain. The reason for the complaint by the ziobrists is, in fact, so foolish and quaint that the President's office itself does not scope for it. From the words of Minister Bogucki, we have learned another plot twist: and Nawrocki took a vow of only 2 judges, due to the fact that only 2 vacancyes occurred during his term, and the another 4 are earlier. Does this mean that Nawrocki expects the oath of the remaining 4 to accept – in a free minute from retirement – Andrzej Duda? That would be equally consistent with this logic, and of course absurd.
For anyone who tries to realize the meaning of this dispute and to look at the situation through a prism another than the organization fight of the Law and Justices to keep control of the remains after the Constitutional Tribunal, it is clear, however, that for the correct conduct of the election of the Constitutional Tribunal judges is not an crucial time limit for the beginning and termination of the President's word of office, but a time frame for the word of office of the Sejm. It is the Sejm that elects the judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, and it is his political composition and the elected coalition majority that obtains, in the light of the Constitution and the Act, the right to choose candidates ideologically consistent with its view of the world. Since there are 8 fresh vacancyes for this word of office of the Sejm, this majority is called to choose 8 judges. It was the reasons for the end of the word of office of the Sejm and the creation of vacancies that decided in 2015 on the legality of the selection of three, and the illegality of the election of 2 more judges by the then majority of PO-PSL. And ignoring these apparent circumstances by the receiving rudders, the fresh majority of the PiS generated 3 doubles.
Now the right says that the time limits for the election of the 4 judges "returnlessly passed" but – you can go for a bet – does not mean that the possible majority of the Law and Justices and both Confederations will refrain from filling these seats after the 2027 election. Is the anticipation of filling these judges, present allegedly already lost for temporal reasons, abruptly magically returning a year and a half later? Probably! Karol Nawrocki will surely not then put obstacles to the election of right-wing candidates for places that should be filled in the years 2023-27 by another political forces. In this way, the composition of the TK will be disrupted again and the number of doubles from 2015 will be doubled. The crisis will be multiplied and prolonged over time. Its end is not seen, nor is the reconstruction of the regulation of law in Poland.
