Trump may be a madman, but he's effective. Nationalism 2.0 is coming.

Authoritarianism, nationalism, antiliberalism, isolationism, sovereignty, and even elements of fascism — is not so much a ‘back to the past’ but the birth of a fresh populist wave that has learned to win in a planet tired of conventional politics and liberal democracy.

More and more people want strong autocratic governments — a power that acts rapidly and effectively, even at the expense of the law. Even at the expense of human rights.

Brief analysis of this phenomenon

1. Farage’s Effect — Reactivation under Trump’s Patronage

Nationalist Nigel Farage, 1 of the main architects of the Brexit campaign, seemed politically over after Britain left the EU. He remained on the margins of British politics for years. Today, however, his party, improvement UK, successfully managed the electorate disappointed in the Conservative Party.

• Trump's blessing:
  Donald Trump's support worked as a certificate of assurance for the anti-establishment electorate. A circumstantial transatlantic front has been established against liberal democracy, globalisation, open borders policies and the modern model of human rights.
• Growing electoral strength:
  Election successes in England, Wales and Scotland show that the UK improvement is no longer a "party of 1 subject", namely Brexit, but a broad movement of opposition to the British establishment.

2. European “March to the Right”

Britain is no exception. The full of Europe is moving towards sovereignty and nationalist politics.

• France:
  Marine Le Pen effectively softened the image of her organization and became a viable candidate for power.
• Germany:
  Alternate für Deutschland, despite controversy and protests, achieves evidence results — especially in the east lands, undermining Germany's postwar political consensus. Western Poland and east Prussia are to return to Germany - this is their main postulate. We're expected to get Vilnius and the Lions back.
• Poland:
  National and right parties — specified as PiS, Конфедерация and Корона Польская Браунa — gaining support for the wave of opposition to Green Deal, Mercosur Agreement and EU migration policy.

3. Is this the beginning of the end of the European Union?

Modern nationalists are little likely to talk about leaving the European Union today. Instead, they want to weaken her from the inside. But it's a temporary distraction.

They realize that voters fear economical chaos erstwhile they leave the EU, and so alternatively focus on the strategy of blocking Brussels' decisions and regaining national competences.

Only after they've spread out is Exit. He won't interfere with their dictatorships.

4. Shadow of Trumpism and Putinism

• Trumpism:
  It became a global political brand — a kind based on polarization, emotions, social media and direct attack on "elity". It is political fuel for Farage, Nawrocki and many akin leaders in Europe.
• Putinism:
  Vladimir Putin has for years supported — financially or propagandaally — the weakening of Europe’s unity. Although many European right-wing leaders, after aggression against Ukraine, distance themselves from the Kremlin, their rhetoric of "peace at all costs", weakening NATO and mistrust towards the West frequently remains beneficial to Moscow's interests.

A fresh Age of Uncertainty

Are we witnessing a momentary rebellion or a profound reconstruction of the western political scene?

Nationalism 2.0 He no longer wears only glans and does not march exclusively under extremist slogans: “Get off the commune”, “Americana First”, “Fight! Fight!”, “France for the French”, “Poland for Poles”, “God, Honor, Homeland”, “Great Poland Catholic” or “Here is Poland, not Brussels”.

. Today, he wears well-cut suits, speaks the language of a “normal man” and skillfully uses fear of migration, demographic change and rising costs of living.

For his supporters, it means "return to normality" and regaining sovereignty. In practice, however, it may mean weakening democratic institutions, expanding political chaos and strengthening players specified as Putin or Trump.

The question remains: does liberal democracy have anything else to offer societies that stops the populist march, or has this political train already left?