Since July Ursula von der Leyen re-elected president of the European Commission, the message on the future of green transition is clear and coherent: keeping course for targets European Green Deal and the presentation of Clean Industrial Deal, combining decarbonisation with industrial competitiveness.
With the fresh Washington administration taking over. The fulfillment of these 2 promises is more crucial than ever. President Donald Trump's Agenda on fossil fuels may be in the interests of America, but there is surely no advantage for a continent with fossil fuels specified as Europe. Accelerating decarbonisation is the only structural way to reduce energy costs in the EU and increase energy security.
It is besides crucial to remember that although Trump's presidency poses fresh challenges, This besides creates fresh opportunities — starting with the clean technology sector, which has become profoundly insecure.
Europe has the possible to play an crucial function here, but it will gotta act quickly, be intelligent and more united than before. The fresh Compasse of Competitiveness is the first step in this direction, identifying Clean Industrial Dealing as 1 of the 3 pillars of the fresh EU competitiveness strategy, alongside innovation and economical security. However, it is advanced time the EU turned its strategical planning into real action.
Of course, we will get more clarity about what awaits us erstwhile the Clean Industrial Deal and Omnibus, the deregulation package, are yet launched on February 26. They'll tell us, how far the EU is prepared to go to meet its green promises Ursuli von der Leyen.
Given the ongoing tensions between those who want to keep Europe's climate ambitions and those who want to seriously rethink the issue — or "stop" — we cannot take the consequence for granted. Therefore, before the expected wave of proposals, we would like to propose two key areas that can aid find the directionwhere the EU is going.
Green Europe requires solid financial and legal foundations
First of all, erstwhile it comes to Clean Industrial Deal, we propose we look at the funding. simply put, it is impossible to have a solid strategy for clean manufacture without credible investments that support it.
Based on erstwhile Commission studies, we can estimation that achieving the objectives of the agreement may affect additional yearly investments of €50 billion (about PLN 210 billion) by 2030 And although this figure appears to be significant, in fact it may be a alternatively cautious forecast as it does not take into account the possible costs of escalation of global trade tensions or retraining programmes essential for workers during the transition period.
It can be expected that private sector will supply most of the investment needed, but the public sector will proceed to play an crucial function in reducing risks and helping to free private capital. This will be difficult, due to the fact that both EU and national decision-makers They will gotta face increasing restrictions, specified as the end of the NextGenerationEU resolution package, the deficiency of separation of green areas within the reformed fiscal framework of the Union and the expanding force for re-establishment focusing public resources on defence.
That is why Clean Industrial Deal cannot come to us empty-handed. Nor can it limit itself to the general promises of the future budget — the next cycle will only start in 2028 and the maintenance of the current minimum share of climate spending will be a dense fight. He must have immediate financial power.
Viktor Dabkowski / PAPUrsulai von der Leyen, president of the European Commission, and Stephane Sejourne, Vice-President for Prosperity and Industrial Strategy. Brussels, 29 January 2025
Then, in connection with the Omnibus deregulation package, we urge investigating whether deregulation is equivalent to dismantlinggreen recipes. The re-opening of the debate on their content, specified as the Directive on sound corporate development, the Directive on reporting on sustainable business improvement or the Taxonomy Regulation, would inevitably importantly weaken the law.
This would affect investors who rapidly began to adapt to the fresh regulatory framework, as well as in 3rd countries that have already followed the EU example. In principle, this would jeopardise the long-term regulatory stableness and credibility of the policy that is crucial for private investors.
It would so be more reasonable for the Commission to focus on targeted action at the method level of these provisions, so that The general framework would be simpler, clearer and so more effective.
The package may be national, but it will have global repercussions on the credibility of European climate policy. Weakening these rules would origin serious harm to the reputation of the EU — and would fuel global anti-climate impulses at a time erstwhile the block must lead global climate dynamics to fill a gap left by Trump.
