
Donald Trump's peace plan, just sanctioned by the UN safety Council, brought a temporary halt to the fighting and opened the way for humanitarian aid in the Gaza Strip — but at the same time raises questions about Palestine's sovereignty. The resolution provides for a two-year temporary management by the global Board of Peace and the stabilization forces outside the conventional UN structure, as critics call de facto protectorate; the key remains the destinies of Hamas and the function of the countries of the region in implementing the plan. In the program "Asia Incognita" by Blanka Jugaj and Dr. Michał Lipa, they carefully analyse the solutions adopted in it.
What the plan foresees
- Create temporary management structures, including the alleged Board of Peace with strong global and symbolic leadership of Donald Trump.
- The introduction of global stabilisation forces, which will not be a typical UN mission, but a coalition of volunteers with a mandate of the safety Council.
- A period of 2 years of "protectorship" to enable reconstruction, training Palestinian police and preparing Palestinian autonomy reforms.
Main advantages
- Immediate humanitarian effect: reducing the scale of combat, expanding access to assistance and reducing the number of victims.
- Diplomatic U.S. success: obtaining UN safety Council approval despite holding back Chinese and Russian votes.
The top risks and doubts
- The de facto protectorate: the hybrid nature of the mission — a UN mandate, but forces that do not straight belong to the UN — resembles occupying or protective solutions.
- Implementing clarity: unknown composition of the stabilization forces, unclear competences of the Board of Peace, vagueness of the records concerning the future Palestinian statehood.
- Disarmament of Hamas: a crucial but hard to enforce condition; Hamas will not defuse voluntarily without real political guarantees.
- Legitimization of position quo in the West Bank: the plan does not mention to the 1967 borders and accepts in practice limited Palestinian sovereignty in increasing Israeli settlements.
Patronite.plPublicationsThe function of regional countries
- Gulf countries, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey are crucial: reconstruction funding, Hamas focus and intelligence and safety activities.
- Characters specified as Tony Blair are to act as intermediaries and liaisons with Gulf investors, which is controversial due to his political past.
- The deficiency of arabian unity and the particularism of the countries of the region limit their ability to force lasting solutions.
Consequences for Palestinians
- A realistic script is simply a limited substitute of statehood in a patch of territory, without full attributes of sovereignty and without control over key resources.
- For many Palestinians, the plan may look like a "suck" — the opposition will not vanish unless political aspirations are met.
Scenarios for 10-15 years
- The most likely: sustained conflict management — periodic escalations, limited opposition movements, reconstruction of infrastructure at constant safety controls.
- Possible development: gradual normalization of relations between Israel and arabian countries (abraham agreements), while marginalising Iran's influence.
- Unlikely: the fast emergence of the Palestinian state within the 1967 limits.
Geopolitical context
The second part of the broadcast discussed Mohammad bin Salman's visit to Washington, D.C. and Saudi relations with the US. The visit showed that economical and strategical interests (investment, technology, security) frequently outweigh human rights issues in global policy.
Conclusion
Trump's plan, sanctioned by the UN, offers a real chance to halt immediate suffering in Gaza and restart, but at the same time creates a new, obscure form of global territory management — with elements of protectorate and occupation. The success will depend on the determination of regional countries, the ability to force the disarmament of armed groups and whether the global community will supply long-term political and financial guarantees.
Paweł Mościcki - author of the book "Gaza. Thing about the culture of extermination"









