Stanisław Kozicki: Polish National Committee

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How was the Committee formed, and how was its work gradually going?

The Polish National Committee was established in Warsaw immediately after the outbreak of the large war of 1914 on the basis of an agreement between various political parties and non-partisans. He set himself the task of conducting Polish policy in agreement with the countries that allied against the Germans.

The Committee besides worked initially in Warsaw until August-July 1915, until German troops took the Polish capital. Prior to the business of Warsaw, a large part of the Committee members left the country and left for Russia. They then gathered in St. Petersburg and there decided to work further in the present direction. The president of the Committee was Mr. Zygmunt hr. Wielopolskiand the president of the Executive Division of that Committee Roman Dmowski.

When acting in the capital of the Russian state, shortly the members of the National Committee became convinced that, as the war spread, Russia had little and little influence in the coalition of the anti-German planet powers, and that the destiny of the nations at the end of the war and after the war would be primarily all Western allied states — England and France. This is why the Committee decided to send a delegation to the west to look into the situation there and organise the political work of Poland in the west of Europe. The delegation consisted of: Roman Dmowski, Maurice Zamoyski and Constanty Plater. They went to London in January 1916 and then to Paris. They met there. Erasmus Piltz and another Polish politicians who had left the country and had already gone west. After knowing and explaining their position on matters raised by the course of war, they drew up a plan of action and shared ’ work, settled in various European capitals: Roman Dmowski in London, E. Piltz in Paris, The President Lausanne. They entered into relations with the coalition governments, became acquainted with relations and peoples, and worked on the thought that in the opinion of the coalition nations and in the minds of the leaders of the Polish affairs. In Lausanne under E. Piltz and later M. Seydy was created a press agency (office) that informed constantly allied governments and abroad newspapers about Polish matters. This agency existed until 1919 and gave up the Polish case a large service. After any time, the delegates of the Warsaw National Committee found that more people had to be brought together for the effectiveness of the action, to unite the parties that were inactive wobbly and to make a committee that would unite all the efforts of the Polish Patriots and was recognized by the governments as typical of the Polish people.

Polish political activists in Lausanne in 1917 came together, and there they established the General National Committee of Poland, which began its activity on 15 August 1917. The founders and first members of the Polish National Committee were: Roman Dmowski, Erasmus Piltz, Jan Rozwadowski, Marjan Seyda, Ordinate Maurice Zamoyski, Ignacy Paderewski. Konstanty Skirmunt and Władysław Sobański. The Committee in Paris was elected to its seat, and R. Dmowski was elected president, and he was elected to its representatives: in America — Ign. Mr Paderewski, in London — Sobanski, in Rome — The President.

They were later admitted to the Committee: Dr. Francis Fronczak of Buffalo (15 December 1917), Stanisław Kozicki and Józef Wielowieyski (4 June 1918), General Joseph Haller (17 July 1918; prof. Stanisław Grabski (September 1918), Jan Żółtowski (4 November 1918), M. Rey and Vladimir Tetmajer (8 January 1918), Jan Smulski from Chicago (14 January 1919), Andrzej Wierzbicki, Joachim Bartoszewicz and Leon Lubieński (9 February 1919) and 7 members, who were later listed for a deal with the then existing government under the command of J. Piłsudski.

For the August 1917 meeting, a delegate from the country came to Lausanne, who named all the parties on the side of the Coalition, and brought from 3 brave 3 Polish elections designation for the Committee's political activities. The Committee has already received akin designation from the Polish Council of Interparty Unification in Russia, passed at the celebrated 1917 July convention in Moscow and from the National Department, our main political organization in the United States of North America. The French government recognized the Committee: as the typical of the Nation on 20 September, the English government In 15 October, the Italian government on 30 October, yet the United States government on 10 November 1917.

Committee program.

The Committee became active at a time erstwhile the destiny of the war had not yet been settled or even certain; erstwhile Germany was inactive successful in the battlefield erstwhile it occupied the full northern part of France, the large areas of Poland at the time were Russian and in general the areas of the Russian state, and a crucial area of Serbia and another lands in the Balkans. Nevertheless, the Committee immediately took a clear stand — on the side of the Coalition, against Germany and their allies. due to the fact that the Committee's policy was not based on a guess of the destiny of war, but on the fact that Poland's prosperity is strictly dependent on the triumph of the Coalition of France and England over Germany.

If the Coalition wins, then the Polish Union will be rebuilt and independent; if Germany wins, then there can be no unification of the districts of Poland, and the independency of the Polish state in a tiny area, if it is, it is only apparent and unstable. In order to exist, the Polish state must have access to the sea and upper-Silesian coal mines (and this will not happen without the pogrom of Germany). For Poland, the most crucial thing is to have Gdańsk and advanced Silesia. And Poland can receive these 2 sculptures from nations that will be able to knock down Germany ’ to dictate their will, For this, Poles must: out of reservations during the war they must be together with the states – with the Coalition and contribute in all way to the defeat of Germany. This was thought to be the case in the Committee, and so it was decided that, although Poland at the time did not have military forces to take a crucial part in the fight against Germany, it was essential to: 1) explicitly and loudly call out that the Polish nation was on the side of the Coalition in this war, 2) to search an chance to participate in the war against Germany.

An crucial goal of the National Committee's proceedings and work was to guarantee that the Allied powers would have Poland as a fighting organization with Germany, and that they would grant it a voice at the time of the end of the war and at the time erstwhile they organized fresh relations in Europe after the war.

Meanwhile, in the country Germans tried to gain any Poles for their policy. They even tried to give the Polish Kingdom occupied by German troops the appearance of paper independence, to draw the Polish nation into active participation in the fight against the Coalition nations. The vast majority of the nation did not get active in this game, but there were a fistful of people favoring Germany. They called themselves “activists”, due to the fact that they wanted “actively”, actively alongside the German (central) states to appear and participate actively in what they called “the construction of the Polish state”, and what was actually the ticking of a building from branches, alongside a brick building, and in the backyard of an extended German Empire. These activists wanted to form a Polish army, which would, under the orders of German or Austrian generals, fight the nations, leading the world. Fortunately, the “activists” did not succeed, though they dressed themselves up in colorful feathers of the patriots and saviors of the Homeland, although in countless fleeting leaves they condemned the worship and religion of the actual patriots, calling them Moscalophiles, traitors, children of Cain, etc.

The vast majority of the nation did not want to hear about the Polish army under the command of Wilhelm and his generals; the majority of the nation favored clearly the politics of the Paris Committee, which, having the chance to do so, revealed loudly to the full planet the actual desires of Poland, which in Warsaw under the regulation of the Germans and their agents could only talk quietly.

Committee work.

The Committee has put the following as the main points of its work: 1) obtaining clear evidence from the Coalition's governments as to how they intend to settle the Polish case after the triumph over Germany. 2) organizing the Polish Armed Forces against Germany. 3) Care for Poles surviving in allied countries and thus replace the non-existent consulate; Polish and 4) make work around the planet with the aim of propaganda for the Polish origin and its happy solution, which means the liberation of our Homeland as a united state. independent, supported by his own sea.

1. Political action.

The political action was led by the Committee by its president towards the Coalition as a whole, and by representatives of his respective governments. The president was, as you said, Roman Dmowski, a man unique and as a mind, and as a character and as a working ability. He knows the needs of Poland, how seldom anyone in Poland, due to the fact that for years with the top 30 for her well-being studios without rest, organizing a nation to fight for the improvement of destiny during the times of captivity; he knows the planet as fewer people. In 1904 he was even in Asia, namely Japan; where he went not for pleasure, but to relieve the misery of Polish soldiers who were then taken prisoner by the Japanese. He succeeded. as he succeeded in organizing the nation to defy crushing and spraying, specified as setting the nation on the way leading Poland towards actual independency during the war. Now, on the basis of the large politics, where the destiny of the planet was settled, on Jat hundreds, R. Dmowski was helped to advocate his origin The motherland before the power of its unusual ability of abroad speech, due to the fact that it speaks fluent French, English, and not in Italian and even Japanese. The clear mind, extended education, cognition of the planet and people, at last the attitude was impressive, making this kid Podlasie, born in Warsaw, a individual of direct providence as president of the Polish National Committee in this war.

If he was absent, he would be replaced by an ordinary Maurice Zamoyski, A descendant of the ancient family, a smooth man, known in the west, and having large relations especially in Paris. Dmowski had spent a long time in London before, and entered into close relations with abroad policy executives (Balfour, Robert Cecilein and others), he filed a number of accruals, especially 1 of which was printed in p. t. "Eastern Europe issue" large English in the political planet was impressive. Since his establishment, he moved to Paris and then went to America (August — November 1918), where he had respective talks with president Wilson, with abroad Minister Lansing and another American politicians. He was in Rome, where he had a longer conversation with Cardinal Lasparim and listened to the Holy Father.

In North America, the Committee of I. J. Paderewski represented the United States government constantly, and in many respects a man who was unique and highly deserved to Poland. His individual cognition of Wilson and the support he could trust on, the full American Polonia, contributed a lot to the restoration of independent Poland on the number of celebrated 13 points that the president of the powerful United States mentioned as targets of the large war. In Paris, a permanent delegate to the French government was Erasmus Piltzwhich has contributed greatly to the Committee's good position in the French Ministry of abroad Affairs. In Rome, K. Skirmunt, in London, was constantly residing. The typical of the Committee in Switzerland, there at the outbreak of German intrigue, was Jan Modzelewski. The Committee’s activists tried to establish in the minds of the leaders of European politics the belief that the reconstruction of the vast and strong Polish state was a necessity for Europe; they recognized the minister of abroad affairs with the value of Poland and with the attitude of the vast majority of the nation, presented the request for a clear declaration of the coalition governments together in favour of Poland, and yet presented at what limits Poland should be restored to independent life.

Poland, according to the draft Committee, was to be created on the basis of the proposal of Mr Dmowski, from a combination of 3 divisors to which it had been torn years ago. From Prussia they were to go to Poland: W. Fr. Poznań, advanced Silesia, Western Prussia with Gdańsk and confederate part of east Prussia (Mazury and Warmia). From Austro-Hungarian were to pass: Galicia, Silesia Cieszynski, compose and Orawa. From Russia: The Kingdom of Poland, the governors of Grodzieńska, Vilnius and Minsk, as well as part of the state of Volyn and Podolsk.

As for ethnographic Lithuania (gub.: Kaunas, Vilnius and Suwałska part), the Committee proposed the creation of an autonomous state, but closely connected with the Polish state. Only specified a large and strong Poland, with about 35 million inhabitants, could the Committee be convinced to stand as a stand-alone state between Prussia and Russia.

The Committee’s policy resulted in a gathering of the chief ministers of the coalition state held on June 3rd, 1918, in Versailles and was announced in gazetats by this extraordinary resolution:

"The creation of a Polish State united and independent with free access to the sea is 1 of the conditions of lasting peace and justice in Europe"0.

In order to measure the importance of the above-mentioned resolution, announced in public, it is essential to remember that on 27 May 1919. The Germans began their large and final attack on the positions of the French troops that they had already broken them, moving rapidly towards Paris, bombarded regular from German aircraft and from a monstrous mysterious cannon, set somewhere 100 perst from Paris. At the time of specified success, the representatives of allied governments in the collective message recognized public rights of the Polish people to independence. It was the fruit of the work of the persistent Committee. Working towards allied governments, the Committee did not neglect another political factors in Europe. 1 of the most crucial works in this area is the establishment of relations with representatives of the peoples of central Europe, who, like Poles, sought unity and independency — with the Czechs, Romanians, and Yugoslavs, as well as with the Finnishs, Estonians and Latvians. With representatives of the peoples of central Europe, curious in the future destiny of Austro-Hungarian, they advised the Committee to present the body at conventions, the most serious of which was the convention in Rome (8 and 9 April 1918). The Baltic Sea peoples were discussed and prepared projects related to the destiny of their countries on the Baltic Sea.

2nd Polish Army.

The creation of an independent Polish army, alongside the Coalition's troops, was very conducive to France. Already in 1915 1916, erstwhile work was being done to separate Poles, from the Russian army and created there first Pulawski Legion, then the Polish firearm Brigade and the 1st Polish firearm Division, French representatives very much supported this thought. Nor did the French government hesitate to put the substance on real ground in France at the first opportunity. Namely on 4 June 1917, the president of the French Republic Poincare (Puękare) issued a decree to form an independent Polish army in France. The French-Polish military mission was established in Paris, headed by the French general Archinard (Arshinar) and was called from the French army; they were in it Poles to make the beginning of the Polish army. Later, volunteers from America, as well as prisoners from German and Austrian troops taken prisoner by French, English or Italians, began to volunteer to the army.

It was natural that erstwhile the National Committee was established in the West (August 1917) and was recognized by governments as a substitute for Poland's interests, the governments themselves considered the Committee to be the head of the political Polish army. A separate agreement was concluded between the Committee and the French Government (March 1918), in which the Committee obtained crucial rights to this army. The Committee obtained the right to regulation on the national flag of the Polish army, to choose the signs of military soldiers, to specify the text of the oath of allegiance to the nation, to recruit Poles (officials and soldiers) who apply to the Polish army, to participate in the enactment and conduct of matters concerning the material and moral existence of the Polish soldier and to national propaganda in the army. The appointment of officers to complete the Polish wards was besides to take place with the agreement of the Committee. Polish National Committee Finally, he obtained that Polish military forces could not be sent to the front until they were organized into 1 whole; the usage of them on the another front than the western 1 in France besides required the approval of the Committee.

As we can see from the above, the political power over the war rested in the hands of the Committee, which assured itself, that the Polish army created in France would service only the Polish cause.

The Polish army besides started increasing numbers and organized quickly. In May 1918, the first Polish regiment was already standing in position other the Germans. On 14 June, the city of Paris offered the Committee a flag for this regiment, and on 17 June a delegation of the Committee composed of Dmowski, Dr. Fronczak and Wielowieyski She gave that flag to the regiment. A fewer days later, on 22 June, the remaining 3 regiments, which together with the first division of Polish troops, received banners from the president of the French Republic himself Poincare, in the presence of French abroad Minister Pi-hon, representatives of another allied powers and members of the National Committee. The banners offered Polish troops celebrated French cities: Nancy, Verdun and Belfort (read Nansi, Werda, Belfor). This was the importance of France to form Polish troops against Germany.

Meanwhile, our intention to form a large army in Russia failed. It ended with the creation of 1 corps (Gen. D).owbora-Muśnicki) in Bobrujsk on the Berezin River in White Russia since August 1917; the corps was of considerable force, for 3 divisions of infantry and 1 division of cavalry, a soldier of battle, revived by the best desires, but you, without political power over yourself and without command to know where he is going. With a 2-m body (gen. Michelisa) on Podol and Ukraine went even worse. Under the command of a wobbly general he did not stick somehow, despite favorable circumstances it did not give the corps life, even breaking through the Russian front from the Austrian Bukovina 2nd Galician legions brigade under Haller. A brave brigade, without uncovering obstacles along the way from the Russian troops, affected by the Bolshevik disease, reached (in February 1918) until Dniepr. Here, however, not crossing the river rather quickly, by German troops (which were already in Ukraine at the time) fuelled and along with troops of the II corps of the inept Gen. Michelis abolished. However, she fought them bravely with the celebrated conflict of Canown. The men of trust of the National Committee settled in Kiev (among them the bravest St. Stanisław Jezierski, and Karol Wierczak and Józel Kawecki) made it easier for the brigade's remains to penetrate the areas of Russia to the shores of the White and North Ocean – to Archangelsk and Murman, and from there by sea to France Many of them stood on French dirt in the summertime of 1918, among them their commander Colonel Haller. They stood immediately in . /.covers of the Polish army in France, and Haller got the rank; general and position of a associate of the National Committee.

Similarly, any officers and soldiers from the 1st Corps of General Dowbor, who did not want to surrender their weapons to Germany on May 21, did not want to do so. These under even worse conditions sought France either to Murman, or through Siberia to Vladivostok and Chinese Shan-hai. Of these many died along the way of martyrdom from the Bolsheviks, e.g. the heroic captain Romer, tortured in Kronsztad. On 28 September, a fresh agreement was concluded between the French government and the N. P. Committee, under which: 1) all Polish troops, fighting on the side of the Allied States, were to constitute an independent army under Polish command; 2) political power over the Army is to be exercised by the Polish National Committee and 3) The Chief Commander of the Polish Army is appointed by the National Committee. He was appointed, on 4 October, the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, General Haller, under the agreement above at the solemn gathering of the Committee. Józef Wielojski took over the military division of the Committee.

On 6 October 1918, General Haller filed before the army. Polish, gathered in the strength of 1 division around the city of Nancy (Nansi), a solemn oath of allegiance to Poland.

The English government considered the Polish army to be self-contained, inter-aggregated and as an army of the fighting party, in a letter from the Minister Galfuura of 11 October; – the Italian Government did the same in a letter from Minister Sonnin of 12 October, and the United States Government in a letter from Minister Lansing of 1 November 1918. Meanwhile, the Germans were struck down and, having struck humility, asked the victorious nations for truce and peace. However, the organisation of the Polish troops acted very rapidly and did not quit navet at the minute of the ceasefire.

When these troops under the name of army General Haller They left early 1919 for the country, consisting of 4 very well-exposed divisions and had about 70,000 people.

3. Care for Poles

On the lands of allied countries there were many hosts of Poles. Those of them who were Russian subjects utilized the Russian consulate care at the beginning of the war, but the German and Austrian subjects were formally “enemies” of allied states and were subject to confinement in civilian POW camps. Various Polish social associations in France and England have taken care of the destiny of these Poles and for many have earned the right to reside freely. The National Committee decided to deal with the destiny of all Poles and began efforts to grant their offices rights specified as those held by consulates of independent states, and that all Poles equipped with the Committee's passports should be regarded as belonging to a "friendly" nation.

The English Government recognized the Committee's request and granted him the right to issue passports already on 5 February 1918, the French Government on 9 April, the Italian Government on 27 August that year.

On this basis, the civilian Office of Kom. Nar. Pol. was established in London, and in Paris, the “Office of Poland for civilian Affairs”. Both of these Polish offices had consulate rights and issued passports to Poles, which gave them not only the right to reside in the countries concerned, but besides served as passports for crossing borders between allied countries. At the same time, these offices took care of Polish prisoners, taken by allies. These prisoners were separated into separate Polish camps; 1 was facilitated to decision to the Polish army, others were facilitated in captivity,

4. Propaganda.

Our homeland and Polish affairs were not known in the West. Before the war Poles cared little, unfortunately, about global relations and about jobs in tern field. It has so decided to make its activities in this direction. The work was divided into 2 departments: 1) influencing abroad newspapers and 2) publishing their own books, brochures, readings and t. p. Dr. Marjan Seyda from Poznań, headed by propaganda prof. The President from Lviv. Propaganda offices were besides established in London and Rome. In London, Dr. St. Kozicki, in Rome Prof. Maciej Loret. Since 1918 he has been very zealous in propaganda in Italy. J. Overseas.

In the French, English and Italian press, akin procedures have led to the conclusion that “Poland began to be described as being “the most crucial accidents of Polish life were made public to the Western European nations, that any false message or any assault on the Polish nation was immediately straightened out and in the right light presented.

The deficiency of space does not even let us to mention the titles of many tens of books, brochures and ephemeral writings issued by the National Committee's propaganda offices. Today, it is besides hard to accurately measure the results of this work and its impact on the improvement of opinions about Poland in countries allied in Western Europe and North America. In any case, it can be said that thanks to the Committee, whoever wanted to inform himself in Paris, London or Rome about the Polish case, this 1 was inertial for this intent in the publications developed by the Committee, or with its support. The Committee's work evidently required quite a few money. Especially political work and the military. With a generous penny for all this, who could, and mainly our fellow Americans, was encouraged by the local National Department and the president of the Department of Jan Smulski from Chicago.

5. Termination of the Committee.

The Allied States had a large triumph over Germany and on 11 November 1918 dictated hard conditions for the ceasefire.

The governments of the winning states began to prepare immediately to conven a legislature that would lay down the terms of peace, as the earned fruit of the victorious war. It was decided and the front to convene a meeting, that is, a conference of states that were at war with Germany, to lay out the conditions of peace with the central states at this conference, and then to call on representatives of these countries, namely Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey to give them the room's ready to sign.

Poland, thanks to the Committee's reasonable policy and the creation, by the Polish Army Committee in France, was recognized as a country fighting Germany and thus received an invitation to participate in the Peace Conference.

In a letter dated 15 January 1919, the French abroad Minister, Pichon (Written) called on the National Committee to appoint 2 delegates for the global Peace Conference in Paris.

At the time between the Committee and the government, which formed in Warsaw, but, unfortunately, among the circumstances for the Western-European ambiguity eye, were already established negotiations. Immediately after the ceasefire, he went to Warsaw from Paris as a Committee delegate Prof. Stanisław Grabski, and at the end of December 1918, the second typical of the Committee came to Poland Ignacy Paderewski, an excellent native of North America.

For its part, the Interim Chief of State General Piłsudski sent a delegation to Paris led by a well-known socialist Dr. Dłuski. That delegation has negotiated with the Committee. The consequence of these negotiations was that Paderewski became the president of ministers in Warsaw and a delegate to the Peace Conference, having as Deputy Dr. Dłuski. Roman Dmowski became the first delegate to the peace conference. Under this agreement, the Committee adopted 7 fresh members of the trusted Piłsudski; they were: Dr. K. Dłuski, M. Sokolnicki, B. Sujkowski, S. Patek, S. Thugutt, M. Downarowicz and L. Vasilewski.

In specified an enlarged membership, the Committee did not be for long. By creating a appropriate government in Warsaw (recognised in February by the governments of the Allied States) by convening the Sejm and appointing a delegation for the Peace Conference, all the essential Polish state offices were created, and the Committee decided to dissolve at its gathering on 15 April 1919, by adopting the following resolution at the request of its president.

Considering:

1) that the Polish State exists and is recognized by the powers,

2. that it has a legitimate government, based on the Sejm and recognized by allied states,

3) that the Polish delegation to the peace legislature is yet formed, the National Committee of Poland considers its task fulfilled.

After agreement with the president of the Council of Ministers. The National Committee has passed the handover of its offices to the Ministry of abroad Affairs, the Ministry of War and Delegation to the legislature of Peace. The Committee's last gathering was held in Paris on 15 August 1919.

End.

Yes, after doing a large work of liberation of Poland, the Committee closed its activity.

The National Committee deserves a large deal of Polish origin by putting it before the opinion and regulation of the allied nations and by organizing the care of Poles surviving in allied countries. But the consequence of his work, the main work of his historical work today, is to lead Poland with a defensive hand through the turbidities and changing railways of the large war towards a safe haven — liberation from abroad rule, in specified a way that he achieved, thanks to the wise leadership of R. Dmowski, for Poland, as early as during the war, the position of the nation "assigned" and the invitation to participate in the Peace Conference of the victorious nations.

It should be made clear that only the nations and states at war with Germany participated in the conference. So those who went with Germans or Austrians during the war lost Polish cause. From the very beginning of its existence, the Committee has proclaimed that Poland is simply a war nation with Germany, making superhuman efforts to produce a fact clearly stating this, which has besides been successful in creating a Polish army in France, which, as we mentioned above, was recognized by the coalition's governments as an allied and militant army.

Thus Poland obtained the right to send 2 delegates (R. Dmowski and Ign. Paderewski) to the peace conference. These delegates defended our affairs bravely during the Conference and placed their signatures in Versailles under a treaty dictated peace terms with Germany on 28 June 1919.

This treaty is the first global right-wing act to recognise the independency of the Polish State. It has become justice that people who, on an act of peace in Versailles: which is an act of return to life for Poland, put their names on Poland's signatures, were: Roman Dmowski and Ignacy Paderewski.

Stanisław Kozicki

Text consistent and unchanged with the brochure.

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