Włodzimierz Czarzasty was born in 1960 in Warsaw and grew up in a strategy that already for many current voters is only a chapter from the textbook. In the 1980s he belonged to the PZPR, a organization that held authorities, media, economy and society in an iron grip until 1989.
After a systemic breakthrough, erstwhile most of the old structures fell apart in the chaos of transformation, The black man didn't follow 1 path. First it hit the orbit of post-solidarity environments, including ROAD. shortly after, however, he returned to the left, to the SLD – a organization that tried to manage the post-communist electorate, but at the same time found itself in democratic Poland.
What was Czarzasty doing at PZPR?
Włodzimierz Czarzasty joined the Polish United Workers' organization in the 1980s, that is, at a time erstwhile this formation inactive held full power in the Polish People's Republic of Poland. He was a young academic activist associated with student organizations, including the Association of Polish Students (ZSP) and the Socialist Union of Polish Students (SZSP) – structures that functioned under the direct supervision of the party.
As a associate of the PZPR, he did not play a central role, but was part of a strategy that relied on loyalty to power and strictly controlled public life, including education and culture. It was in this environment that Czarzasty gained the first organizational experience and contacts, which were expected to aid him to enter the reality of the 3rd Polish Republic smoothly – already as a man connecting politics, culture and media.
Although present he defends himself that he was only a "ordinary member", for many his presence in the governing organization of the Polish People's Republic is simply a symbol of belonging to an old order which did not disappear, but changed after 1989.
To the media. Where politics meet money and influence
In the fresh Poland, Czarzasty rapidly plunged into the planet of culture and business. He worked in academic institutions, co-founded the publishing home Muza, which grew into crucial oficin in the 1990s. This is an crucial stage, frequently overlooked in the current debate. Already then, the Blacks functioned at the interface of politics, business and culture – where decisions about who would spend something, which will show tv and who keeps the telephone to whom, built real influences.
It was this close proximity of the media that opened the door to the institution in which his name was to sound much louder.
KRRiT: the most crucial office that no 1 has always seen from the inside
In 1999, Czarzasty goes to the National Broadcasting Council, a body that was 1 of the most powerful decision-making centres in the country in the 1990s. It was there that concessions were granted, the commercial tv marketplace was regulated, the rules of operation of radio stations were established and the public media were supervised. He serves as the Secretary of the Council from 2000 to 2004. In practice, it is simply a individual who not only organises the work of the KRRiT, but besides has a real impact on the direction of changes and draft laws.
This is the years erstwhile the media marketplace is being fought for, the power of the post-communist left is inactive enormous, and the tv sector is just being born. It is at this point that the next chapter appears – the 1 that inactive returns in all dispute over the political roots of the Black One.
Rywin's affair is simply a shadow from which we could not escape
Early 2000s. maker Lew Rywin submits to Agora, publisher of Gazeta Wyborcza, a corruption proposal on the Media Act. In the background there is simply a celebrated "group holding power", an alleged arrangement of influential left-wing politicians to pull strings. The name Czarzasty rewinds in media speculation as a individual close to KRRiT laws and decisions. He's in front of the investigation committee. The media is asking uncomfortable questions. In front of the full country, there is simply a communicative about the political-media strategy of closed cabinets.
The key to all of this is that Czarzaste has not been charged, and the committee has not proven the existence of an organized conspiracy. Unfortunately, it was an imaged sentence. For part of the public, Czarzasta has long become "the 1 from the committee from Rivin", a man from the media, layout and telephones to the editorial board. You can besides see that in today's polls. The Pollster investigation Institute conducted a survey for the "Super Express" which clearly indicates that Poles do not want the Black 1 on the marshal's seat. As many as 55 percent are against it.
Ordinal: invisible net and return from behind the scenes
After the end of his word in the NHR, Czarzasty does not vanish from the political landscape. On the contrary, he takes the lead of the "Ordinatic" Association, an organization that brings together erstwhile student activists, people of culture, business and left. In the public opinion, Ordynack begins to function as a "club of old acquaintances", that is, a network of influences of people who have known each another for decades and inactive can "agree".
This is another component of the story around the Black One: a man from behind the scenes, individual who may not be standing on the platform, but knows who and who is talking to behind the door.
Return to the stage, or rescue of a sinking left
When the SLD found itself outside the Sejm and fell into a political vacuum, he needed individual to rebuild it. In 2016, Czarzasty becomes president of the Alliance. It was the exact minute erstwhile fewer wanted to take on this burden. It is he who organizes the joint list of the Left in 2019. He's the 1 who brings the organization back to parliament. It is he who negotiates the connection of the SLD to Spring and creates the fresh Left.
For some, it is so the architect of the left's return to the game. For others: a baron who holds the organization with a hard hand and is not afraid of "internal cleaning".
Today's Blackface painting is highly heterogeneous. There's 2 tones mixed in. For many people it is simply a politician who knows all corner of the system, catches the contexts and is not afraid of conflict. Others consider Czarzasty to be a symbol of an era from which many Poles want to settle. any emphasize his experience and resilience. Others say directly: this is the face of the 3rd Republic, which symbolizes all the radiances and shadows of transformation – from elite, through contact with the media, to obscure networks of influences.
