Endurance in Support of a Democratic Government

liberte.pl 10 months ago

There is no uncertainty that the social liberals hoped for much more after winning the Democratic coalition in the parliamentary elections. We hoped that human rights would be strictly respected, that women would be given the right to decide about their bodies, that LGBT+ people would be aligned in their rights with heteronormatives, that the Catholic Church would cease to influence lawmaking, due to the fact that religion would become a private matter, that schools would form citizenship alternatively than nationalism.

It is actual that, in many of these areas, measures have been taken to approximate the values of the European Union. It is besides actual that their implementation takes a long time, both due to the long-term legislative process and due to the safeguarding of the position quo made by the Government of the United Right and the individual of the President, who is in charge of the political changes.

The expectations of the electorate of the left and liberals for the fast restoration of liberal democracy have besides proved naive due to the fact that in the Democratic coalition not all people miss the spread of all European values in Poland. The 3rd Road, and in peculiar the PSL, from the beginning cut off from the far-reaching liberalisation of abortion law and aligning full the rights of partnerships with conventional marriages. As a result, these cases were not included in the coalition agreement. The most crucial thing about concluding this agreement was removing the United Right from power. And that was right, due to the fact that only now can, unfortunately gradually and not always according to our liberal expectations, adapt Poland to the liberal West.

The attitude of fresh power towards immigrants on the border with Belarus is disappointing. Nothing's changed here since the PiS left.from power. Push backs and ignoring asylum requests and global care are inactive being used. Even the tongue hasn't changed. There is inactive talk about the heroic defence of the Polish border against the Łukaszenko-putinska storm, which is simply a hybrid war. The death of a Polish soldier further exacerbated the mood, even more so, as this coincided with the arrest of 2 soldiers by the military police for the unreasonable usage of firearms. There could be no better reason for a populist reaction to these 2 events. Not only are our heroic soldiers dying, they're not allowed to usage guns yet.

Donald Tusk, inactive in opposition, did not join the criticism of the government's actions on the east border. Now it is only about the request to safe the border, not about combating the humanitarian disaster. The deficiency of long-term migration policy, alternatively of utilizing primitive pushbacks, border dams and closed border zones, is very striking. Tusk's consequence to the detention of soldiers who did not follow the procedures was to oblige the Minister of National Defence to immediately prepare a draft amendment to the Firearms Act by soldiers on the border with Belarus. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Władysław Kociniak-Kamysz carried out his task and a bill was drawn up to importantly grow the anticipation of utilizing weapons, called “the licence to kill” by her critics. Despite strong criticism from legal and non-governmental groups, the task rapidly found itself on the legislative path, where, in addition to the government team, it gained the support of the Law and the Confederation.

The behaviour of Kosiniak-Kamish is worrying. It's not even about opposition to de-penalization of abortion anymore. possibly the bill in this case was actually underworked. It is simply a clear tendency to block government coalition activities. In the discussion on the draft law on partnerships, the people have chosen the goal of questioning the ideas of the left. It is hard to believe that this is only due to attachment to another strategy of values. Rather, it is about demonstrating its right-wing separateness in order to value its organization after defeat in the local elections and in the European Parliament. Kosiniak-Kamish blackmails the coalitions by leaving the Coalition if his demands are not taken into account. It is not known what “Poland 2050” on this, due to the fact that politicians of this organization neither side with their coalition nor criticize it. They most likely blame each another for election failures. This may be the end of the 3rd Way.

If Kosiniak-Kamish had ended his charge for the crucial function of the PSL in the Coalition on October 15. They don't stand a chance, anyway, as long as the president is Duda. Unfortunately, the president of the PSL is beginning to take dangerously to utmost right-wing views, which makes him an ally of the PiS and the Confederacy. In the dispute about the Museum of the Second planet War in Gdańsk, he declared himself on the nationalist side, criticizing the decision to the plan of the further character of the captain Pilecki, father Kolbe and the Ulmów family. As you can see, he is not convinced by a broader, human view of the atrocities of war. He prefers to see nationalists from the Law and the Confederacy in it only the heroism and sacrifice of Poles. Feeling patriotic intensification, Kosiniak-Kamish demands patriotic upbringing of children and youth at school. His argument clearly indicates the request to form obedient Janczars in the educational process, willing to give their lives for their homeland alternatively than conscious and honest citizens. The past of your deputy prime minister has taught you nothing. Still, “like in a war nicely, erstwhile a crow falls off a horse.” How is this different from Minister Czarnek's educational strategy? Finally, it is shameful from the point of view of its function that the position on the admission of Ukraine to the European Union depends on the solution to the Volyn issue with Poland. The politician Kosiniak-Kamish is completely in line with the Fascist Confederation.

Disputes in the ruling coalition were to be expected, due to the fact that organization leaders, surely powerfully pressured by organization pits, conflict primarily for the interests of their party, not for the good of Poland. A prominent example is the PSL, which, in contrast, wants to have a crucial impact on the activities of the full coalition. And Kosiniak-Kamish's threats of leaving the coalition are just a soap of the eyes. He is an experienced politician adequate to realize that a possible alliance with the PiS would end in the collapse of his party. Even the Confederate, who is ideally close to the Law and Justice, does not want to do so. Everyone remembers the destiny of self-defense and LPR.

Not only political parties remember their interests more than the public interest, but also, which is more understandable, the various social groups that elect the Coalition on October 15. The triumph of this coalition in the election triggered a immense wave of expectations, impossible for 8 years to meet the regulation of the United Right. small wonder, then, that the pressures on the fresh government, coming from different sides, began from the first days after taking power. However, gathering these expectations is not easy and is not simply due to the slowness and inefficiency of the government. This is due to many factors, primarily the remnants of the power of the Law and Justice, namely the President, the Constitutional Court, the National Judicial Council, the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the ultimate Court, the National Broadcasting and tv Council and the National Media Council. While, in most of these institutions, the Court of Justice of the European Union has been deprived of its power and their rulings or decisions may be ignored by the current authority, the main obstacle to the implementation of pre-election promises is the president reciting the laws or transferring them to the Constitutional Tribunal.

The democratic coalition besides operates under conditions of highly strong propaganda of the United Right, constantly contesting the legal basis of government decisions, and the hateful statements of Jarosław Kaczyński and his organization followers, disproving democratic power as acting on behalf of Germany and seeking to deprive Poland of sovereignty. Although these accusations are seemingly idiotic, their consistent repetition can origin an atmosphere of uncertainty and suspicion towards Donald Tusk's rule. At the same time, we cannot forget that the PiS inactive has the large support of its many followers. It is hard to regulation effectively erstwhile opposition is strong and treats rulers as enemies of the nation. It is besides unusual that another criteria for evaluating the actions of the Law and the Democratic Coalition have been adopted in Poland. There's no 1 who cares about the grievances and errors of the grievances. On the another hand, the smallest irregularities of the Coalition government on October 15 are immediately noted and severely criticized, including by its supporters.

So the Coalition, on October 15, exercises a government weakened by interior friction, unparadoxed by opposition and pressed by various environments demanding that their demands be implemented as rapidly as possible. This is peculiarly dangerous, due to the fact that not only does it encourage the fast making of legislative errors, as in the case of the bill on the de-penalization of abortion, but, worse still, in many environments the refusal to support the coalition in the upcoming elections is declared. This can be heard clearly in women's organisations, disappointed by the inability of fast liberalisation of abortion law.

If these threats were fulfilled, it would mean returning to the authority of the United Right. It is crucial to powerfully condemn the attitude of “I will frost my ears off in spite of my mother”. Persistent with 1 postulate, the most crucial for a given environment, whose fulfilment is not cancelled in addition, but postponed in time, is contrary to the civic attitude, due to the fact that it means consent to the civilisational catastrophe of Poland. Already once, in 2015, resenting the mistakes made on the Civic Platform prompted many people with leftist-liberal views to support the Law and Justice elections, or to not vote. If then people with small interest in politics could believe that the Law and Justice were a average political organization in the democratic system, and nothing would happen if they set themselves up for the anger of the PO, no 1 should have any uncertainty present that it is simply a destructive organization for the democratic system. It can only be supported by those who, in authoritarianism, feel good about infantile, God-fathered narrative.

It must be kept in head that the top evil committed by the United Right is not to squander national assets on bribing voters and rewarding their supporters and propaganda, which is presently the focus of public opinion. The top evil is to commit a state crime, as a consequence of the gradual negation of liberal democracy by the authoritarian system. This crime for many people went unnoticed, as opposed to the publicized financial scams of the erstwhile government. The weakness of the current power is the deficiency of systematically repeated and comprehensive information on the threats of civilization associated with the return of the Law and Sovereign Poland to power. It is not adequate to criticise these parties for violating the Constitution and eliminating the tripartition of power, but to emphasise the impact of these actions, which can only be understandable and so applicable to most citizens.