P. Szymanski: president Vladimir Putin versus Roman Dmowski

wprawo.pl 1 year ago

I took the problem of translating from Russian an extended part of the interview that Tucker Carlson conducted with Russian president Vladimir Putin. Actually, it's not an interview. It's a speech. I decided to put together this interview with the second article by Roman Dmowski on the Ukrainian issue published in the Vilnius diary in 1931.

INTERVIEW WITH PUTIN - Here.

There's only 1 truth. Yes, prof. Józef Tischner in the past of doctrine in Góralsk stated that there are 3 truths: large prowda, you prowda and crap prowda. The witch Stanislaw Bareja in the movie Bear, discovered that there is besides the fact of time and the fact of the screen.

The lesson of past given by president Putin is 1 of this fact of time and the fact of the screen, which brilliantly illustrated Master Barej. It is not amazing to the steppe people that past is simply a judaic hagda, the fact of the time and screen, in which the cat will retaliate to the dogs of the manor sitting on a praslavian pear which is actually a willow. The problem, however, is that a large part of the Polish society will accept the “truths” given by president Putin. This is the consequence of the crude rewrite of the past of Poland by the Polish People's Republic of Poland with doctorates and their heirs like Nobel laureate Olga Tokarczuk. I will remind you of what he wrote about her work by Polish hebrew from Lviv Stanisław Lem:

I late read the book Tokarczuk about “The Doll”. This is not only speech-grass, but besides proof that the author studied psychology in erstwhile centuries. “The doll” is not only a beautiful book about love, which has so much in common with “Hymn about Perle” that Isabella Łęcka could wear a string of pearls. I don't see any another relationships. This book irritated me so much that I didn't teach more than half. I don't regulation out that there may have been any wisdom in the last pages, but I uncertainty it due to the fact that it's good for ten-year-old children, but not for me. Tokarczuk so insulted my head that I wanted to compose a polemic, but I thought the game was worthless due to the fact that I would gotta read her book to the end.

The effects of pseudo-scientific work on luminaries like Helena Michnik are tragic for our country and nation. Unfortunately, the past of our country and nation has been transformed into a grotesque which a large part of Polish society believes. The past of Poland is utilized in a hideous way in the ideological and political conflict as part of the communicative of the stage, the best example of which are all films by Andrzej Wajda. The intellectuals who make the alleged Doctrine of Giedroycia, which is the basis of the Polish east Policy, are actively active in excavating our history. 1 cannot be offended by Putin, that our leaders leading the nation like Kaczyński, Tusk, Komorowski, Kwasniewski and president Elekt Holovnia are no better. These people prey on the deficiency of simple cognition about the past of Poland, the emotions of the nation and its phobias.

In order to heal rapidly from the idioms served in all kinds of media, it is adequate to turn them off and scope for the forgotten works of outstanding Polish professors:

Professor Henryk Paszkiewicz: Jagiellonów a Moscow

Professor Henryk Pashkiewicz: The Russian Politics of Kazimierz the Great

Professor Henryk Pashkiewicz: The origins of Rusi

Professor Henryk Pashkiewicz: The uprising of the Russian people

Professor Henryk Paszkiewicz: The Growth of Moscow Power

Professor Oskar Halecki: The Jagiellonian Union and the past mission of Poland

Professor Oskar Halecki: Lithuania, Russia and Żmudz as a component of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

Professor Oskar Halecki: Lublin Union

Professor Oskar Halecki: Joining the Podlasie, Volyn and Kiev Region to the Crown in 1569

Professor Oskar Halecki: The past of the Jagiellonian Union

Professor Oskar Halecki: Jadwiga Andegawenska and the improvement of Central east Europe

Professor Oskar Halecki: The matrimony of Queen Jadwiga in the light of history

Professor Oskar Halecki: The Brest Union in the light of modern Greek testimonies

Professor Felix Koneczny: The past of Russia

Professor Feliks Koneczny: About the first Polishness of Chełm Land and Red Rus

Professor Felix Koneczny: Jagiełło and Witold

Professor Felix Koneczny: The past of administration in Poland in outline

Professor Felix Koneczny: The past of Poland for the Piasts

Professor Felix Koneczny: The past of Poland for the Jagiellones

Professor Felix Koneczny: Polskie Logos a Ethos

Professor Felix Koneczny: Byzantine Civilization

All these books straight mention to the complete bronzes given by president Putin, and are besides a beautiful improvement of Roman Dmowski's article.

Unfortunately, president Putin's bots find fertile dirt in the United States of America, an example not only of Tucker Carlson, but besides of light-like people like Colonel Douglas McGregor. Poland and Poles are associated in the USA with dumplings, sausage and anti-Semitism. American elites have no thought about Poland's past and the average American is incapable to show Poland on the map. Unfortunately, it's our fault. The books mentioned above barely be in our consciousness many of them are simply unavailable to readers. We're swamped with the media, and we're besides lazy to put our noses in a book. It's time to change that! With full premeditation, Poland is forced into a war in Ukraine, a war that will end tragically for us.

T. Carlson: Mr. President, thank you very much for this interview.

On 24 February 2022, erstwhile the conflict began in Ukraine, you spoke to your country and nation. You said you had taken armed action due to the fact that you concluded that with NATO, the United States could carry out an unexpected attack. An attack on your country. To Americans, it's paranoid. Why do you think America could hit Russia unexpectedly? How did you come to that conclusion?

Vladimir Putin: It's not that America was going to hit Russia unexpectedly, I never said that. Are we having a talk show, or are we having a serious conversation?

T. Carlson: But it was a perfect introduction. I'll thank you again for this interview. Yeah, we're having a serious conversation.

Vladimir Putin: You're, as I realize it, an educated historian, aren't you?

T. Carlson: Yeah.

Vladimir Putin: In that case, I will let myself – just 30 seconds or 1 minute – to present a short historical background. May I?

T. Carlson: Of course, please.

Vladimir Putin: Look how our relation with Ukraine began, where did it come from, Ukraine? The Russian state began to form as a centralised being in 862, erstwhile Novgorod – located in the north-western part of the country – invited Varegian Prince Rurik, of Scandinavia to regulation the state. In 1862, Russia celebrated the 1000th anniversary of its statehood, and in Novgorod there is simply a monument dedicated to the 1000th anniversary of the country. In 882, the successor of Rurik, Duke of Oleg, arrived in Kiev, who in fact served as regent of the young boy of Ruric, as Ruric himself was already dead. Prince Oleg, dismissed 2 brothers, who seemingly were erstwhile members of the Rurika branch, and thus Russia began to develop, creating 2 centres: Kiev and Novgorod. The next very crucial date in Russia's past is 988, this is the Baptism of Rusi. Prince Włodzimierz, the great-grandson of Ruryk, baptized Russia and accepted Orthodoxy – Christianity of the east ritual. Since then, the centralised Russian state has begun to strengthen. Why did this happen? 1 territory, common economical ties, 1 language, and after the baptism of Russia – 1 religion and 1 princely authority. The centralised Russian state began to take shape.

In ancient times, or the mediate Ages, however, things got complicated and for various reasons, mainly due to Jarosław's Smart Succession on the throne – or alternatively a small later, after his death. Succession on the throne was complex, it was not passed straight from the father to the eldest son, but from the late prince, who then handed over power to his brother, and on his sons, and in different ways.

Consequently, this led to the fragmentation of Russia – 1 country that began to take form as 1 whole.

There is nothing peculiar about this; the same process took place in Europe. However, the fragmented Russian state became an easy prey to the empire that erstwhile created Genghis-chan. His successors, Batu-chan, came to Russia, plundered almost all the cities and destroyed them. The confederate part where Kiev was located, by the way, simply lost its independence, but northern cities retained part of their sovereignty. They paid tribute to the Horde and thus retained part of their sovereignty. And then 1 Russian state began to form from a center in Moscow.

The confederate part of the Russian lands, including Kiev, gradually began to weigh towards the next "magnet" – towards the European center. It was the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was even called Lithuanian-Russian, as a large part of this country were Russians. They spoke Old Russian and professed Orthodoxy. But then came the unification of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland. A fewer years later another union was signed in the spiritual sphere, any Orthodox priests submitted to the pope's authority. Thus these lands became part of the Polish-Lithuanian state. But Poles have been conducting polonizations of this part of society for decades. They introduced their language there, among the people they began to spread the belief that they were not entirely Russians, that since they lived on the edge, they were Ukrainians. Originally, the word “Ukrainian” meant that a individual lives on the outskirts of the country, “at the end of it”, or is actually employed in the border service. This was not about any peculiar cultural group.

So Poles did everything they could to colonize these lands and fundamentally treated this part of Russian lands rather harshly, if not cruelly. All of this led to this part of the Russian lands fighting for their rights. The population wrote letters to Warsaw, demanding respect for their rights, that representatives be sent, among others, to Kiev...

T. Carlson: erstwhile was that, what years?

Vladimir Putin: It was in the 13th century.

Now, I'm going to tell you what happened later, and I'm going to give you dates so there's no misunderstandings.

And in 1654, and even a small earlier, the people who ruled in this part of the Russian lands turned to Warsaw, I repeat, demanding that people of Russian origin and Orthodox religion be sent to them. And erstwhile Warsaw fundamentally did not respond to them and practically rejected these demands, they began to address Moscow so that Moscow would accept them.

So you don't think I've come up with anything, I'll hand you those papers...

T. Carlson: I don't think you're making this up?

Vladimir Putin: However, these are papers from the archive, copies. These are Bohdan Chmielnicki's letters, then a man who exercises power in this part of the Russian lands we call Ukraine today. He wrote to Warsaw demanding respect for their rights, and after refusing to compose letters to Moscow, he asked him to take them under the strong hand of the Moscow Tsar. Here [in the folder] are copies of these documents. I'll leave them for the Lord as a good souvenir. There is simply a translation into Russian and you will translate these papers into English.

Russia refused to accept these lands immediately, as it assumed that the war with Poland would begin. However, in 1654 the Earth Council, which is simply a typical body of the power of the Old Russian state, decided that this part of the Old Russian lands became part of the Moscow kingdom. As expected, the war with Poland began. It lasted 13 years, after which a truce was concluded. And just after this act of 1654, which is 32 years later, in my opinion, peace was concluded with Poland, "the eternal peace", as was said at the time. These lands, the full left bank of Dnieper, including Kiev, went to Russia, and the full right bank of Dnieper remained with Poland.

Then, during the time of Catherine II, Russia recovered all its historical lands, including the south and west. All this continued until the revolution. Before the First planet War, the Austrian General Staff, utilizing these ideas of Ukrainianization, began to actively advance the thought of Ukraine and Ukrainianization. All the motive for this was clear due to the fact that on the eve of the planet War, of course there was a desire to weaken a possible enemy, it was an effort to make favourable conditions in the border area. In the 19th century there were besides theorists of Ukrainian independency who spoke about the request for Ukrainian independence. It is actual that all the “builders” of Ukrainian independency claimed that she should have a very good relation with Russia, and powerfully insisted on it. After the 1917 Revolution, the Bolsheviks tried to reconstruct Ukrainian statehood. A civilian war broke out, including Poland. In 1921, a peace was signed with Poland, under which the western part, on the right bank of Dniepr, again went to Poland.

In 1939, after Poland collaborated with Hitler and Poland collaborated with Hitler, in the archives we have all the papers concerning this fact, Hitler proposed peace with Poland, a treaty on relationship and alliance. However, he demanded that Poland hand over the alleged Gdańsk Corridor to Germany, which combined the main part of Germany with Królewiec and East Prussia. After planet War I, this part of the territory was transferred to Poland and Danzig was replaced by Gdańsk. Hitler begged them for a peaceful surrender, but the Poles refused. Nevertheless, they collaborated with Hitler and began sharing Czechoslovakia.

T. Carlson: May I ask? You say that part of Ukraine has been Russian land for hundreds of years. Why didn't you just accept them erstwhile you became president 24 years ago? But you had a gun. Then why did you wait so long?

Vladimir Putin: I'll tell you right now, I'm finishing this past lecture. possibly it's boring, but it explains a lot.

Roman Dmowski
UKRAINA AS A Nation.

The word “Ukraine”, which until late marked the endlands in the south east of Poland, has taken on fresh meaning in the political language of fresh times. In today's Ukrainian issue, Ukraine means the full area, whose population speaks mostly to Moroccan, an area where nearly 50 million people live.

The east Slavic denominations, called the Russian at first not very different, have grown widely by colonization of sparsely populated areas from Carpathians to the Pacific, and by assimilation of their population. The distinct differentiation of them into large- and small-Russian divisions – the third, Belarusian, must be added – occurred only after the demolition and demolition of the Grand Duchy of Kiev by nomadic Polovists. The Greater Russian language developed in the forest area between Volga and Oka, where Slavic settlers merged gradually with Finnish strains and which remained under Mongolian yoke for 2 centuries. It became the language of the Moscow state, later Russia, and produced large rich and first literature.

On the another hand, the speech of the tiny Russian became the speech of the south-west, which was increasingly entering the sphere of Polish rule. It was an undercarpathic speech that for a short cz:is

It created its own state, the Kingdom of Halickie, and the speech of settlers, moving deeper and deeper into the steppe, farther east, behind Dniepr, from Red Rusi through Podole, Kiev, the Chernihov and Poltava provinces, and absorbing steppe elements. After the failure of these voivodships by Poland and after the dismantling

Poland, the movement of these settlers to the ground, outside Don, and to the south, towards the Black Sea, continued and continued to spread the Nitrous speech. Hence the immense area it presently occupies. The people of the tiny Russian people are different from the Greater Russian language. The very fact that the last colonized forest areas and mixed with Finnish strains erstwhile the first spread on the steppe, absorbing its migratory inhabitants, had to make a large difference. Even greater was due to the difference in history. While she, remaining long in the Mongol realm, was working under his influence, she succumbed to stronger or weaker Western, Polish influences, and even to a large degree by the Church Unja was drawn into the sphere of influence of the Roman Church. 1 might even say that character differences, psychology are greater than speech differences. However, it must be stated that there are immense differences in natural conditions and even greater differences in the past of the world, between the different lands on which the Greek language is spoken. Starting with the Podkarpackie lands, which had already been part of Poland almost a 1000 years ago, and from Kazimierz Wielki until the first partition they were continuously an integral part of the Crown, which were yet never under Russian rule, and ending on the Black Sea coast and late colonized lands east of Poltavia, which had never seen the Polish rule, it is possible to divide the area of the Malorussian speech into 7 or 8 separate wholes, of which each had a different history. Hence the deep spiritual, cultural and political differences between the individual segments of the people, which talk the German language, and the immensely mediocre supply of what is common to all.

The Ukrainian question stands in contrast to that of all another reborn nationalities. There, in any case, it is simply a substance of a fewer or respective miles of comparatively uniform population, erstwhile it comes to tens of million, but it is falling apart into very diverse territorial groups. With this diversity, 1 can only talk about the existence of the Ukrainian people with large license.

However, the specified fact of the existence of a people, which is clearly cut off from the neighbouring or inhabited with them by the same lands of speech, customs, character, yet religation or rite, already gives birth to a question which, under favorable conditions, appears in the political area, blundered as a consequence of the pursuits of activists, coming out of that people, or through the machinations of states, trying to win it in their own interests. It was inevitable and in the midst of the Nitrous language.

The question was born simultaneously, in the mid-19th century, at 2 points apart.

A self-sustaining movement, undertaken by clean and selfless people, seeking a separate cultural-literary expression for the distinct spirit of his people, appeared in the Zadeprza Ukraine at that time. The main typical was the poet Shevchenko.

It was no accident that this land was his cradle. The erstwhile provinces of Chernihov and Poltava were the most stylish Ukraine, the most beautiful racially and spiritually. This land produced in the first half of the 19th century the large author Hohol (Gogol), who, though writing in Russian, expressed the spirit of Ukraine in his work. She besides remained an outbreak of Ukrainian movement in the Russian state.

The Russian government did not put obstacles to this cultural and literary work, although he looked at it not very eagerly. He treated this movement as regionalistic. However, Poles, for understandable reasons, had sympathy for him and encouraged him to turn into political. Their desire. was to win him against Russia. It was a logical pursuit. In the country,

In which the Russian component attempted to flood everything, it was essential for its defence to fuel all efforts to counter Russia's national opposition. Starting with the uprising of 63, on which banners alongside the Eagle and Pogoni were placed St. Michael, and ending with the Russian Pride, in which an autonomous Ukrainian group was created, following the example of the Polish Circle, there is inactive a link of sympathy between Polish politics in the Russian state and Ukrainian movement.

The second point at which the issue appears is the Austrian occupation, east Galicia. The beginnings are different. There, the Austrian government produces a Russian question in order to weaken Poles. As said in Galicia, number Stadion invented Rusins.” Hence, the issue of this movement stood there immediately as a political issue, while the work on cultural revival was treated alternatively as an auxiliary to politics.

It was a purely local issue, a substance of the Austrjat state, covering east Galicia and northern Bukovina. Rusini (Ruthenen) became a legal and political associate of the Austrian nationalities. Not all of them considered themselves to be such: alongside the fewer elements considered to be Poles (gente Ruthenus, natione Polonus), a strong sect (oldorrusini) considered to be Russians and obeyed in cultural life the Russian language, considering the tiny Russian language only as a folk noise. This direction was fueled and powered by Russia, which, until the war of 1914, looked at east Galicia, barely at its future prey.

It was only at the end of the last century that the Ukrainian nationality of the population of east Galicia, like the south of the Russian state, began to be mentioned, and the Ukrainian question emerged as a question of the political future of the land, through this populous nationality. Since then, in the Austrian political language, the word “Rusini” has rapidly been pushed out by the fresh word “Ukrainians”.

Books by Jack Meatman available at https://sklep-wrawo.pl

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