During my last visit to the Polish thought Club gathering in Gdynia, I acquired an different publishing home from Piotr Błaszkowski – a collection of papers already forgotten present from the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, or Independent Political Group (NGP).
From my youth, erstwhile I started in various structures of the national camp (Salon mec. Napoleon Hi., PZKS, PAX) – I have been in contact with any members of this Group, primarily Piotr Piesiewiczwho was a associate for a while. At 1 of the PZKS training camps in 1983, I besides met with the people of this group. They had the opinion of a very orthodox, primitive group, but besides exclusive, convinced of their uniqueness and considered themselves the only actual representatives of the national camp. It was nothing peculiar – specified environments, or even individuals, there were quite a few people, everyone combined radicalism and inspiration for creativity Jędrzej Giertych. And although 1 of the members of the NGP convinced me that they were not "giertychs", it is not possible to hide that the programming papers and the publicist of NGP coincided with what he wrote at the time on the emigration of Jędrzej Gierty. erstwhile I read texts published in this volume (in the form of scans) on the train, I was reminded of those times and my views at the time not far from what NGP members wrote.
The introduction to this publication reads: “In this publication we present the publishing achievements of the Independent Political Group (NGP) and National Movement (RN) created in 1973, just before the formal uprising of NGP, and dating back to 1984. This environment was created as a consequence of the cooperation of students of the 1st advanced School in Gdańsk, who closed to attend meetings of the Academic Pastorate at the church of St Nicholas O.O. Dominicans, from Mariusz Urbanan active associate of the pastoral ministry. We shared opposition to the prevailing political system, the search for historical roots of the Polish nation, Catholic religion and patriotism. Our strategy of historical and political self-education has allowed a group of young opponents to become independent. A nationwide, national political movement was created, focusing on effectiveness in action and independency from the then power and opposition factions. During organizational activities, methods of functioning in full conspiracy were developed, as well as – what is crucial – in the sphere of transparency, dealing with harassment from power, as well as from political opponents from the alleged democratic opposition. NGP and the later RN (National Movement) were in the political configuration of the PRL an first phenomenon that deviates from the imposed schemes, characterized by the reality of political assessments, and so so combated and silenced to date".
Mariusz Urban
However, NGP was not a classical opposition as if 1 could justice reading this introduction. For it was an apparent Group protesting Marxism or the alleged system, but not PRL as a form of Polish state. This in fact distinguished most national initiatives of that time from the alleged democratic opposition (KOR, KPN or even referring to the national tradition of RMP). The first paper in this publication is very valid for determining the place of NGP on the political map of Poland. It was a letter to the Primate of Poland Stefan Wyszyński dated 19 January 1977. We read there, among others:
"Eminence, we young Catholics from Gdańsk dare to address Your Eminence with a humble request to take a stand on the following matter... global centres of political disposition, hostile to Poland, operating in and outside the country for years have been striving for the collapse of Poland by causing unrest and riots aimed at a devastating uprising. For respective months now, we have been seeing an increase in this activity, which is reflected in the current situation in the country, and abroad, the activity of specified centres as the Paris Culture and the Free Europe station. The hard situation in which the country is located, and especially its economical difficulties, will facilitate the usage of society for activities hostile to Poland. The political reasoning of the majority of Poles is characterised by the subjection of momentary sentiments and deficiency of reasonable approach to national interests. The top concern must be the attempts to usage naive young people in a conflict that brings weakness to the nation. There are besides attempts to affect the Church in this activity. In this way, Polish enemies want to usage the authority the Catholic Church has.
The interests of the Polish people dictate that we consider the anti-Russian uprisings of the 19th century as destructive traditions. These uprisings bring Poland only weakness and stagnation in national life for decades. The weakening of Poland serves the German “back to the East” plans. For all Poles, especially for us, born and raised on the Gdańsk Land, for which the Polish Nation fought against German pressure, the strength of Poland is simply a substance of fundamental importance.
It is the work of all Pole to prevent Poland from weakening against the approaching times requiring the Nation to take full work for its future. Whoever, consciously or unconsciously, contributes to weakening Poland is an enemy of the Nation. The Polish nation needs peace now, due to the fact that it is only possible to work in peace to increase national forces. This increase is possible only by the moral revival of the Nation and the elimination of social demoralization. We must put an end to mass abortion, to alcoholism, to the decline of household authority, we must destruct the question of the real tasks and the validity of matters of real value to the Nation."
The analysis of the situation contained in this letter coincided with what Jędrzej Gierty wrote a year earlier, which he wrote in June 1976. "List open to Polish society in the country"who sent, among others, to Edward Gierek and another PRL leaders. He wrote: “Beware of provocation. Do not be drawn into activities whose eventual aim will not be the good of Poland, but, on the contrary, will be to sacrifice Poland's good on the altar of interests of the “can-do of this world” which are enemies of Poland, or at most those to whom Poland is indifferent.” Interestingly, the same was warned by the anonymous publicist Paxowski's "Word of the Common" in the text "Without a Garden".
For all national environments in Poland (except for RMP Alexander Halla), this opposition with the KSS KOR at the head – was a greater threat to the Nation than the Party. What did that come from? First of all, there was a fear of "reruns from history", or another uprising or a sex offender who could end up with an intervention from the East, and secondly, the pedigree of the people of the NRA was adequate to look at the opposition suspiciously. August 1980 was on the 1 hand a national peaceful rabble, but at the same time posed a danger of provocation from just formations specified as the NRA. In the message "In defence of national rations against social anarchy and organization egoism" of October 4, 1980, NGP warned:
Mariusz Urban and Viktor Hajduk
"The August events were an expression of a strong rejection by the full society of political practice, demeaning its dignity and damaging basis of Poland's material existence; they were a manifestation of national protest. They pointed to the advanced morale of workers, their actual patriotism and respect for value; religious.
The course of events contradicts the view that the strike was organised by the KSS KOR and another groups dependent on it; it is besides false to claim that the apparatus of power influences the strikes. besides calling for Western propaganda to a premature compromise was evidence of the failure of the centres of transnational judaic politics and their representatives in the country to the resulting situation in Poland. This explains why the Korov Groups joined the strike movement during its course, alternatively than initiating it, as was initially attempted by authoritative propaganda and later by the mentioned groups. This does not contradict the limited impact of centres specified as NRAs on events. The participation of these groups was inevitable as a consequence of the deficiency of national centres, which, fighting for the independency of the strike movement, would be able to destruct agential influence... The biggest accomplishment of the August protest was to win the public's designation as an entity alternatively than an object of power. Independent, self-governing trade unions have become a formal way of preserving the subjectivity of society towards power. However, the very fact that they be does not warrant independence. In order to keep it, it is essential to realize the principles of political activity and to know the objectives of centres having a real political impact. In our circumstances, we must preserve not only independency from authoritative factors, but besides from the centres of Korov (...) The genesis of the organizers of “democratic opposition is left-wing, KSS activists of the KOR are pupils and erstwhile activists of the ZMS and PZPR. An example are Kuron and Michnik. They were co-organizers of the revisionist organization stream, of a Trotsky-like character, which included judaic chauvinists, sons of Stalinist dignitaries liable for the physical and moral panic of the Nation. During October 1956 and the 1960 ’ s, they led violent anti-religious acts. Kuroń organized specified protest against the release of the Primate Wyszynski. From the younger throw of KOR-n activists views powerfully hostile to the Church are expressed by Borusewicz. The youth movement of Poland, which is simply a corovian act among Catholics, is of a non-Polish nature.
The Left-wing genesis has specified a squad of experts joining the supporting movement of workers from Catholic Intelligence Clubs. Their chairman, Mazowiecki, in the 1960s a supporter of "socialism with a human face", is simply a permanent associate in the work of the KSS KOR. These people, representing specified a “bond” and “The Tygodnik Powszechny”, enjoying the trust of the organization until the 1970s, had a monopoly on expressing a Catholic opinion understood as “progressive”.
As can be seen, the NGP clearly had a different view of Solidarity itself, which was considered to be an authentic national trend, and critically representatives of the alleged democratic opposition and “progressive Catholics”, advisors, etc. This was besides consistent with the assessment of another national centres, including emigration centres.
And until then, it is hard to attach to the NGP station. I disregard the form of these statements and the language used. It was a norm at the time, I myself read in those years another many statements by another groups and publicists – they were all in the same language convention, which may now seem besides extremist and demagogue. Unless the criticism of the NRA and the "democratic opposition" raised major disputes at the time, erstwhile NGP began to attack another groups referring to the ideology and tradition of the national camp, it became dense. In the case of the Young Polish Movement, Alexander Hall may not be so popular, due to the fact that there was a widespread opinion that it was a "concession" intention, it was already in the case of the National organization and the "Polish Thought" – it was different. As for Hall and his RMP, it is simply a fact that later political paths of the people of this formation can confirm allegations that were already made to them, although for example people like Jacek Bartyzel and whether Wojciech Turek do not fit in this diagram.
Returning to RMP – already in "Open leaves of NGP to SN members on emigration’ (from 3 October 1980) the organization was accused of ignoring the existence of national groups in the country (mainly NGP), and favored RMP. Then he was “Letter from the editor of the Independent Political Group Publishing home to the Executive Department of the National organization in the United States A.P.’, of 28 October 1981, in which the Drafting of the National organization Bulletin in the United States was abandoned, the application of the unfair rule of criticism to the "List of open NGPs to members of SN on emigration" and it was further recalled that the environment that created NGP has been working since 1973, that this work is not limited to the issuing of magazines and bulletins "outside the scope of censorship" and that NGP is not only active on the Coast.
Editor of NGP Publishing House, Krzysztof Kaletowski, he besides touched on the problem of the Young Poland Movement in his list: "I would like to draw attention to the fact that not only Nationals associated with NGP consider the Young Poland Movement as an organization with a non-Polish pedigree and a profile of action, calculated on the widest penetration of Polish communities and neutralisation of national activities. This fact besides begins to be understood on emigration, as I could see during my stay in London, August and September this year."
Finally, ‘Letter to Nationalists“ Boguslawa Zbibrowski (presented as a publicist and social activist from Wrocław) of 18 November 1981. In this letter, the author states, among others, “Think Poland”, the organ of the SN, disinformations the world-wide nationalists. This charge is made with full responsibility. The main manifestation of the misinformation “MP” about national initiatives and works in the country is the tendently favorable attitude towards the Young Poland Movement and the silence of the activities of the Independent Political Group. A very crucial phenomenon is the isolation of a prominent author and national writer Jędrzej Giertych from London. It is all the more striking that many emigration activists appreciate the tremendous amount of his work that the silence of Jędrzej Giertych's full work is diminishing. (...) On emigration, the reasoning kind is penned by the pre-war meaning of the “Jewish question”. There is no knowing that present the threat lies not in “quantity” but in “quality”. The issue of masonry is similar.... As a consequence of the activities of SN and its press body, many ideological nationalists on emigration are deprived of contact with reality. The existence of an SN reaches any backgrounds in the country with unwarranted hopes. These environments should know that in their work they can number on only their own and existing forces."
The attack on SN and ‘Thinking Poland’, partially justified in favour of RMP, however, was besides far-reaching, due to the fact that an effort was made to take distant the environment of legitimacy and to recognise that it no longer represents the appropriate national camp. It was besides not actual that Jędrzej Giertych had completely “come out of the game”. He shortly returned to the “Polish Thought” Łam (second half of the 1980s), and “Think Poland” itself stopped betting on RMP Hall. The confusion around the RMP resulted in the fact that the influential "democracy" or "American" faction (Wasiutyński, Tibulewicz) considered that RMP was the most influential and supportive national group in the country. However, it was a temporary triumph of RMP. But that is not the most crucial thing. NGP (RN) utilized this situation to advance the thesis that everyone, including emigration, SN and "Think Poland", is not a real national movement. Only NGP was to stay in the field and then the National Movement. These powerful urges were, of course, doomed to defeat and alienated from NGP (RN) another centres. It is certain that the author of these ideas of taking over in the national field of the "whole pool" was the undisputed leader of NGP – Mariusz Urban, who was said to be highly capable, ideal, but besides implacable and slow to compromise. I didn't know him personally, but Piotr Piesiewicz told me a lot about him (both dead and dead prematurely). I sensed that on the 1 hand he admires him, but on the another hand he finds him dangerous.
This communicative ended in 1983. Let us return the vote to Wojciech Turk, who wrote in the "Encyclopaedia of Solidarity": "After the introduction of the martial law, the NGP issued, dated 14 and 1982, "Information on the “Review of Gdańsk”, in which it cut off any relation with the Gdańsk National Environment. On July 9, 1982, a message was published about the formation of the National Movement Initiative Team, which was renamed Mariusz Urban. Another document, "National Movement Information", which was published on 30 XI 1982, reported that an informal structure of the National Movement was created on the site of NGP. 9 VI and 1 VII 1983 SB retained in Gdańsk 9 members of the "illegal organization of NGP", confiscating 3 typewriters and 4 1000 illegal releases, and in Warsaw, Wrocław and Toruń 3 more activists (two typewriters were confiscated). VII 1983 detainees released from custody under amnesty, 1984 a suit against 11 persons was dropped. The repressive action most likely had an intended effect in the form of the disappearance of further activity, although formally the National Movement has not been resolved".
The tomb of Marius Urban
But that's not all. In 2002, Sławomir CenckiewiczAs a historian, he stated that the 3 members of the organization's leadership were... secret associates of the SB. On 28 March 2003, a group of b. NGP activists with Mariusz Urban sent a letter to the IPN, which states: “The website of the Institute of National Memory – the Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation dated 10 December 2002 contains fragments of the publication of the IPN The martial law in Poland 1981-1983, where the text of the worker of the IPN S. Cenckiewicz was published. Pomerania Gdańsk and Kujawy (In the introduction announced on the subject. State of martial law in Gdańsk and Kujawy Pomerania). It contains false wordings concerning the Independent Political Group and the National Movement, which violate our individual property. In this case, we appear as persons who have been accused in June and August 1983 of acting under Articles 278 § l and 2 kk for belonging to the Independent Political Group and directing the National Movement (in December 1983, in 2 cases amended on the charge of acting under Article 278 § l kk for belonging to the NGP and the National Movement). On this substance we are acting together, regardless of the relation that exists between us today. Not present Wojciech Kloc and Marek Finc. All persons present with this call are discredited. Our names as activists of NGP, the National Movement, members of its management were repeatedly given in NGP and National Movement prints in thousands of copies. They besides appeared in another publications, and after amnesty in copies of the pleadings we sold."
Let me just mention that Cenckiewicz besides treated another national centres similarly, e.g. he promoted the thesis on "endekoesbeci" (PZKS) etc. This is simply a completely different past of the activities of a man who participated and participated in the process of discrediting the alleged pro-Russian endeciation and creating anti-Russian, anti-communist, pro-American and pro-Jewish endeciments. The NGP did not fit into this model of “endection” inspired from overseas, which is why it was the victim of this insult. The publication I discussed may service to look at the activities of this perfect organization objectively and fill 1 of the white spots in the past of the national camp at the end of the Polish People's Republic.
Jan Engelgard
"Publicity of the Independent Political Group and National Movement Environment in the 1970s and 1980s", developed: Wiktor Hajduk, Wojciech Kloc, Tomasz Potocki, Sopot-Pelplin 2025, p. 293.
Think Poland, No. 29-30 (19-26.07.2026)
