Nationalist voice of protest. Renaissance of the popularity of extremist parties in Bulgaria

The political crisis in Bulgaria since 2021 initially weakened conventional nationalist forces that lost parliamentary representation. However, the transitional period was utilized by fresh extremist parties, the most popular of which was Rebirth. Their postulates constitute a synthesis of national-syphernistic and anti-corruption slogans. In addition to nationalist voters, these groups besides managed to take over this part of the electorate of anti-establishment and improvement forces, which were disappointed by the attempts to heal the institutions of the state. According to the polls, 3 parliamentary extremist parties presently enjoy a combined support of about 20–25% of citizens, but do not have real prospects of taking power. However, they can form social sentiments and negatively affect the global image of the country. They protest the main directions of Sofia's abroad policy – they argue assistance to Ukraine and openly request a return to close relations with Russia. It cannot be excluded that the popularity of radicals will proceed to grow in the coming months – mainly through plans for Bulgaria to adopt the euro on 1 January 2026.

Profiles of extremist Parties: Pro-Russian Reviewers...

The most popular and at the same time the most utmost Bulgarian extremist group is Rebirth (Disgusted). It first entered parliament in 2021 – only after 7 years of existence. Since then, it has consistently strengthened its political position (see chart). The best election consequence was achieved in 2023, with almost 360 1000 votes (14.2%). He presently holds 33 seats in the 240-seat National Assembly, making them the 3rd largest party. Revival MPs frequently usage harsh nationalistic rhetoric, demanding crucial changes in Sofia's interior and abroad policies.

The foundation of the group's programme is simply a title revival, comprising the spiritual, cultural and organization Renaissance of Bulgaria. It includes restoring the state's legitimacy, reforming justice, expanding spending on culture and education and supporting the sustainable improvement of all regions of the country. The organization refers to Orthodox values, opposing the alleged indoctrination of children and youth by leftist movements and progressive NGOs. In 2024, on its initiative, Parliament adopted a law prohibiting the promotion of "non-traditional sexual orientation" in schools (inspired by akin solutions in Russia and Hungary).

Economic proposals Revival is simply a mix of sovereign, statistic and free marketplace views. This group is the main force of protest against Bulgaria's adoption of the euro^[1]. He regularly organizes demonstrations in the defence of the left, in which force and vandalism sometimes occur.^[2]. It promises major state investments and reactivation of the unfinished atomic power plant task in Belene – an investment implemented by Russian companies. At the same time, it calls for deregulation of tiny and medium-sized enterprises, taxation breaks for families and digitisation of public administration.

The revival is in favour of a drastic change in Sofia's current Euro-Atlantic abroad policy. Proposes to hold a NATO referendum and renegotiate EU treaties to reduce EU position to the free trade area^[3]. It criticises the migration and energy and climate policy of Brussels, and in the European Parliament it is 1 of the Europe of Sovereign Nations, founded on the initiative of the alternate to Germany. At the same time, it aims to bring Sofia closer to the BRICS countries. It is simply a organization of openly pro-Russian, which in the circumstances of a full-scale war in Ukraine opposes the granting of any aid to Kiev, demands the abolition of sanctions against Moscow erstwhile the restoration of relations with it. specified an orientation is demonstrated by the fact that in 2025 it concluded a cooperation agreement with the ruling single Russia Vladimir Putin.

In relation to the countries of the region, the group has a revisionist attitude. It questions the existence of a separate Macedonian nation and proposes to unite North Macedonia with Bulgaria as 2 "Bulgarian states". He besides submits territorial objections to Ukraine's confederate Besarab, inhabited by an estimated 130 1000 Bulgarian minority.

Co-founder and leader of the Revival is Kostadin Kostadinov – an earlier longtime activist of the Nationalist Nationalist Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Bulgarian National Movement (WMRO–BND). In parallel with conducting organization activity as an ethnologist he dealt with the problems of diaspora and the heritage of Bulgaria outside its borders. He had his first political successes with Revival in the household Varna. In addition to the pro-Russian themes, in the past he powerfully emphasized anti-Roman views. In 2022 he was placed under a 10-year ban on entry into Ukraine by Kiev, and due to the alleged financing by the Kremlin in his homeland he gained the nickname "Kopiejkin".

...orbán's followers...

The youngest extremist force in the Bulgarian parliament is Morality, Unity, Honor (Sword)^[4]. It is headed by Radostin Wasilev, who in the past belonged to another anti-establishment groups, and served as minister of youth and athletics in the reformist government of Kirił Petków from 2021 to 1922. Vasilev admitted that he was inspired by the policy of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to establish his own organization in 2024. However, so far, the declared "Budapesten patterns" did not importantly influence the group's legislative proposals. The current parliamentary word is the first in which the Sword has its representatives – in the strength of 11 deputies. In his pre-election campaign, Vasilev's engagement in social media, where he announced a constitutional reset and uncompromising fight against corruption, criticized the ruling elites in harsh words, accused them of being "subservient" towards Western countries, and promised to conduct a "truely probulgous" abroad policy.

On interior issues, Sword is close to Rebirth, proclaiming the request for thorough reforms, provincial funding, the protection of conventional values and the support of tiny business. It besides presents little extremist rhetoric in abroad affairs – it does not presume leaving NATO and the EU, but stands in a sovereign position and rejects federalist ideas. In the face of the Russian-Ukrainian War, he advocates “a policy of neutrality”. It only allows humanitarian aid for Kiev and opposes the continued supply of weapons and supports the return to economical cooperation with Moscow.

This organization besides distinguishes the belief that the state should play a greater function in the economy. The sword advocates, among others, the nationalization of the Russian oil refinery company Łukoil in Burgas or the liquidation of private gambling companies and their replacement by the national monopoly of the totaliser. He besides powerfully exposes the request for increased social spending, which could attract more average voters to him and let him to position himself as a little extremist group than the Restoration.

...paraecological nationalists

The least utmost force in the Bulgarian parliament is the Majesty^[5]. Initially it was formed as a opposition to wind energy improvement plans in a tiny municipality in the east of the country. After success at local level, he entered the National Assembly in June 2024, but already a period later his parliamentary group broke up due to interior conflicts. The organization was re-established in 2025 as a consequence of the correction of the result of the October 2024 elections ordered after the Constitutional Court ruling on irregularities detected in the voting process. There are presently 10 Members of the Majesty in Parliament.

In interior matters, this group duplicates the views of the another 2 utmost parties, scoring irregularities in state institutions. On abroad issues closer to the Sword, he advocates global neutrality and stands in a sovereign position, but does not undermine Sofia's membership of the EU and NATO. After Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine – even before the movement was established – its leader co-organized the cyclical “Marches for Peace” during which any of the thesis of Kremlin propaganda was duplicated and military support for Kiev was opposed.

From another extremist parties, the Majesty distinguishes a strong ecological component (para). It marks forest cuts and the existence of waste dumps and opposes the supposedly environmentally harmful massive improvement of renewable energy, especially from the wind. Group activists spread the thesis about the negative impact of windmills on human and animal health. They let the improvement of photovoltaics, but they believe it should stay the domain of individual prosumers. The commitment to ecology is selective – the organization rejects EU climate policy and proclaims the request to defend the coal industry.

The key character of the Majesty is Iwelin Mikhailov, frequently called his ideology. It gained popularity as the founder of the Historical Park in the area of Varna, where the destiny of the Bulgarian state is told throughout history. The investigation of this facility by the National safety Agency and the journalistic investigations has shown that it is simply a financial pyramid and that its structures are developing illegal paramilitary arms gathering organizations. Over time, in the area of the municipality in which it is located, Mikhailov created institutions that are parallel to the state institutions, specified as those dealing with orderkeeping^[6]. The media besides suggested that the politician maintained contacts with Russian nationalist communities, including EU-sanctioned Night Wolves motorcycle club. These reports allowed the leader of the Majesty to make among his supporters a social image repressed by the establishment for promoting patriotic values and criticizing the political class.

The reasons for the popularity of radicals: political instability...

The success of radicals is based on a chronic political crisis which Bulgaria has been facing since 2021. At that time, the centre-right GERB Boyk Borisov, ruling the country since 2009 (with short breaks). Since this event, 7 parliamentary elections have been held and the office held six prime ministers (including 3 temporary) – the cabinet of no of them has survived even a year^[7]. Inability to make a unchangeable executive authority and an almost permanent electoral process resulted in a fall in public assurance in state institutions and political class. Since the beginning of the crisis, the work of successive governments has been negatively assessed on average by 60% of the Bulgarians surveyed and 75% of Parliament.^[8]. This besides affects their attitude towards the democratic strategy - in 2024 54% of citizens felt that it needed many improvements and 25% thought it should be completely changed^[9].

The crisis of assurance in the organization governance in force has led to a part of society turning towards utmost parties. They have not been compromised by the experience of governance and offer seemingly easy solutions to existing problems, spread through social media. Although no of them dispute the beginning of a democratic system, their rhetoric may encourage them to competition it. For example, in 2024, 42% of respondents to the Revival supported the introduction of an authoritarian regime^[10].

As a result, Bulgarians' systemic deficiency of assurance in the political class has decreased civic activity, which rewards the recently formed groups. Turnout in the fresh parliamentary elections reached only 39%^[11] 51%). The parties based on the consequence of freshness request much little votes to be in the National Assembly. In the last election, the Sword and the Majesty had adequate of them 112 1000 and 97 1000 respectively to exceed the 4% threshold. In March 2021, specified results would not let them to gain parliamentary representation.

...disappointing the governments of improvement parties and anti-establishment...

The fuel for extremist action besides provided disappointment with the parties that arose or grew stronger on the wave of the fall of GERB power. The most crucial of them were conservative and populist It is specified a nation (ITN) and liberal and pro-European We proceed to change (PP). Both groups referred to the experience of mass social protests between 2020 and 2021, which criticized Borisov's government for corruption, the pursuit of the interests of oligarchs and the politicisation of justice. Together with the post-communist Bulgarian Socialist organization (BSP) and conservative-liberal Democratic Bulgaria (DB) formed a cabinet in 2021 headed by PP leader Kirił Petkow. The destructive force was then the ITN, which slowed down the improvement process, and at a crucial minute withdrew support for the government. Although more than 20% of citizens were supported by the group in the summit of popularity, they have never regained their trust and present they evidence results somewhat above the electoral threshold. The crisis in the perception of PP (since 2022 this organization remained in the alliance with DB) in turn brought an unstable and complete conflicting coalition with GERB from 2023 to 2024.

A survey of voice flow shows that part of the electorate disappointed by the "first wave" of anti-establishment and improvement groups turned towards extremist parties that combine anti-corruption demands with nationalistic rhetoric. In November 2021, 16% of Rebirth supporters declared that in the earlier elections they voted for ITN, and in October 2022 17% of them admitted to the erstwhile election of PP – a organization that was besides supported by 19% of voters in June 2024 as Majesty. The penetration of anti-establishment forces takes place besides at the HR level, for example, the Sword – its 4 deputies had previously performed this function on the ITN arm^[12].

The nationalist profile of the Revival, Sword and Majesty could in turn attract voters, who in the first 2 decades of the 21st century represented WMRO–BND and the xenophobic Attack. They regularly entered parliament, and since 2017 as a coalition of United Patriots co-founded Borisov's 3rd government. Co-operation with the widely criticized authority of GERB and interior conflicts contributed to the fragmentation of the conventional far right, which, despite re-trying to form a broad coalition, did not later exceed the electoral threshold. In conditions of political instability, WMRO–BND, Attack and another insignificant parties lost importance. However, the results of subsequent elections prove that nationalist sentiments are inactive present in Bulgarian society, and their main typical is the Revival (and to any degree besides the Sword and the Majesty).

... and the global economy

Bulgarian radicals have besides strengthened global events in fresh years. During the period of the COVID-19 Rebirth pandemic, voters were able to focus around themselves against sanitary restrictions and "green certificates" awarded for their vaccination. organization activists besides underestimated the epidemiological threat, which corresponded to the attitude of any citizens^[13]. The 3 utmost groups besides skillfully exploit the war in Ukraine, fueling the conventional pro-Russian sympathies and sentiments in Bulgarian society^[14]. They are besides favored by the right-wing turn in planet politics, observed after Donald Trump re-enters power. The change of leader in Washington makes it increasingly common to see criticism of EU environmental regulations or a stricter approach to migration – specified positions have ceased to be a domain of only censored radicals.

In particular, the popularity of utmost groups is due to a negative attitude towards the EU's energy and climate policy, in peculiar the departure from fossil fuels. For Bulgaria, coal remains a key natural material, which, despite a gradual reduction, accounts for almost 30% of electricity production. The long-term tradition of its usage and social opposition to the improvement of renewable sources contribute to the fact that the communicative of radicals about the assassination of EU decision-makers on the energy sovereignty of the country is vulnerable.

Limits of support

Support for Bulgarian utmost parties will most likely grow. The political scene remains unstable and divided, making a part of society identified with the demands of violent organization changes. The low voter turnout confirms that there are wide possibilities for mobilising inactive citizens, in which radicals have already achieved success. In addition, they will be encouraged by possible improvement forces problems, specified as a corruption scandal involving capital PP activists in June 2025. They can let nationalists to make an image of the only real political alternative, uncompromised by participation in loud scandals.

The possible for increased popularity of utmost groups is besides the possible of Bulgaria adopting the euro in 2026, which according to any polls even half the population opposes^[15]. In parliament, only Rebirth, Sword and Majesty explicitly argue this decision. After the introduction of the single currency, a temporary increase in prices is likely to consequence in a wave of social discontent that can bring additional supporters to these parties. At the same time, their erstwhile demonstrations in defence of the left attracted a maximum of respective 1000 participants.

It is hard to find the advanced limit of support for utmost groups. The mention point for nationalist forces is the consequence of the leader of the Wolen Siderov Attack, who won nearly 650 1000 votes in the second circular of the 2006 presidential election (24%). Today, it does not seem that any of them could repeat this accomplishment on their own, and the combined consequence of radicals in the last parliamentary election was by 100,000 votes (see chart). A test of the anticipation of a nationalist-anti-corruption camp will be the election to the office of the head of state in 2026, erstwhile the voices of its supporters can be assigned to 1 candidate (e.g. leader of the Kostadinov Revival).

The main typical of the extremist electorate will be Rebirth. In the latest polls it enjoys support within 11–14%, which sometimes makes it even the second most popular Bulgarian party. This group has a consolidated group of about 300,000 voters, but its exclusive rhetoric limits the anticipation of expanding support to a level allowing (co-)government of the country. The obstacle is besides the pro-Russian and powerfully anti-Western nature of the organization with which the majority of the political class and society do not identify^[16]. Any attempts to mitigate the message and to cooperate openly with the establishment are presently improbable and would be a scratch on the subversive image of the group.

The situation of the Sword and the Majesty remains uncertain. In polls, the first of the parties is better, presenting themselves as a more average national option. It may be threatened by president Rumen Radew, whose second word ends in January 2027. The head of state is committed to creating his own political movement that would attract more subdued voters with sovereign views. It cannot be excluded that the groups Vasilev and Mikhailov will prove to be characteristic of the period of fragility of ephemerides and share the destiny of another anti-establishment parties which were only briefly in parliament after 2021.^[17]

Conclusions and perspectives

Although the Revival, Sword and Majesty do not presently have the possible of taking full power, their rhetoric affects Bulgaria's politics. The mainstream parties are under constant force from radicals, and they sometimes comply with their demands. These besides push the limits of public debate, which can indirectly encourage the remainder of the opposition (especially PP–DB) to more harshly criticize the government than always before. Nationalist groups will most likely contribute to the escalation of historical-identical disputes with North Macedonia, making it hard for Skopje to implement the constitutional rules on Bulgarian number under the agreement of 2022, which would enable negotiations with the EU to begin.^[18].

Currently, utmost groups do not seem to endanger the pro-Western orientation of power in Sofia in the short term. They may insist on a restaurant of relations with Moscow or argue greater financial commitment within NATO, but they will find it hard to find parliamentary support for the implementation of these plans. Moreover, their increasing popularity is motivated by mainstream parties to cooperate on basic abroad policy lines. An example of specified efforts can be given in January 2025 of the "Euroatlantic" number government of Rosen Żelakow, which consists of widely different GERB, BSP and ITN^[19]. At the same time, the strong position of radicals allows the rulers (especially internationally) to make an image of the guarantors of Sofia's pro-Western course, who will be able to halt pro-Russian tendencies. Borisov is leading this narrative, building his global position through the GERB membership of the European People's Party. It wants to return to the graces of the EU mainstream, whose trust has been undermined by corruption scandals and mass protests against its power between 2020 and 2021.

Three extremist parties jointly effort to cancel the Iron Office. The full number of their deputies (54) allows them to cast further gratuities on the government^[20], which serves mainly the obstruction of Parliament's work. no of the 4 trials to date had a real chance of success. utmost forces frequently vote against power projects together, and isolated instances of 1 of the support groups for government initiatives are the subject of charges of betraying anti-establishment ideals. Tensions prove the party's rivalry for a akin world-view electorate. The most conflicts arise between the Revival and Majestate, whose leaders accuse each another of co-operation with mainstream groups (mainly GERB), although in the past Kostadin and Mikhailov have sometimes interacted^[21]. A more average attitude is taken by the Sword, but besides by his politicians insinuating that there is an unwritten agreement between the leader of the Revival and Borisow to service the common benefit of their party.

The ability of utmost forces to establish a broad nationalist coalition is limited. A possible alliance would be detrimental especially to the Revival, which already has an established political position and a permanent electorate. This is besides not in the interest of the another 2 groups, which, based on the consequence of the novelty, managed to attract any of the nationalist voters disappointed by the Kostadinov organization or its unwilling. However, in the case of possible further accelerated elections, cooperation between the Sword and the Majesty cannot be excluded – especially in the face of unsatisfactory poll results. Despite existing tensions between them, all 3 extremist groups will most likely proceed to effort to callback the government (maybe in agreement with PP-DB), which will further destabilise the Bulgarian political scene.

Chart. Number of votes cast for Bulgarian nationalist parties in 2017–2024

Source: Bulgarian Central Election Commission (CIK), cik.bg.