
Two tiny countries, 2 candidates for the European Union, 2 societies, torn apart by the dilemma facing them. To unite and become part of the West or to circulate faster and faster in an authoritarian orbit whose center is Moscow? Moldova and Georgia began to go to different sides of geopolitical reality. However, in post-Soviet realities, the pro-European course should not be taken for granted.
The second circular of key presidential elections in Moldova electrified commentators and experts. Especially due to uncertainty about their final results. At the first phase of counting votes (including those given only by citizens in Moldova), Alexander Stoianoglo was victorious. Originating from pro-Russian and separatist inclinations of Gagauzia (since 1994 being an autonomous territory), the candidate won 51.2% of the vote within the country. However, the tide of triumph on the side of the incumbent president Mai Sandu tipped the voices of a many diaspora. As indicated in his article for Kamil Całus, an expert on Moldova, residents of this country on emigration by a majority of 82% of the vote supported the re-election of Sandu. Why were these so crucial and hard choices? First of all, due to the interior problems of this young republic, which only late began the process of economical independency from Russia. The fragile independency and the ghost of the Russian invasion of neighboring Ukraine have effectively mobilised the Moldovan government to implement the essential systemic reforms.
Chisinau is peculiarly delicate to the destabilising methods of Kremlin activities, which have been utilizing separatist sentiments for years to spread confusion and increase influence in another countries. Moldova is peculiarly susceptible to this. Since its insurrection after the collapse of the USSR, it has struggled with frozen armed conflict in its territory. Finally, Transnistria is an officially unrecognized—even by allied Russia—a pseudostate that includes jagged parts of Moldova's territory, stretching along its east border with Ukraine. Since 1990, it has destabilised the geopolitical situation of the region and has been a convenient political and military base for Russia. Another problem is the mentioned Gagauzia. Although its inhabitants recognized the political sovereignty of Chisinau, they have overwhelmingly warm feelings for Russia and widely understood Russianism. In the fresh referendum on the entry of the EU into the Constitution, this solution only supported somewhat more than 5% of the Gagauz. Orthodox and Russian-speaking Gagauzi feel alienated in the ever-increasing westward Moldova.
On election day, the media covered recordings and photographs of the interior of the plane flying to Minsk, filled to the edges holding Moldovan passenger passports. "BBC" besides found evidence of Russian interference in elections. The British station reached the polling station, which admitted that she was promised payment for voting for a pro-Russian candidate. There were expected to be thousands of cases like this. safety advisor Sandu – Stanislav Secrieru – accused Russia of “a powerful interference that had the possible to curve the results”. The Kremlin categorically denied, of course.
No change in the Caucasus?

The destiny of Georgia, brutally experienced by Russian abroad policy methods, has been completely different in fresh years. The parliamentary election of October 26 officially won the ruling Georgian Dream organization for more than a decade. Starting in 2019, Georgian democracy is on the defensive, according to analysts from the Tbilisi Institute of Politics. On the 1 hand, the government promised citizens reforms and closer ties with the European Union. On the another hand, media independency was suppressed, journalists were intimidated and government was introduced to gag the opposition mouth, under the cloak of combating "foreign influences". Tbilisi began to clearly approach Moscow, besides with respect to the worldview of citizens tolerated by the authorities. LGBT people have been victimized in fresh years by an unprecedented media run that took the form of an anti-LGBT passed in September (and straight inspired by akin provisions from Russia), which prohibits the “promoting” of “untraditional” values among minors. The opposition boycotted work on the bill, which unfortunately did not halt the wave of force against representatives of the rainbow community. On September 18, the transgender model Kesaria Abramiga was brutally murdered. 3 years ago, a mob of angry and aggressive protesters invaded LGBT organizations in Tbilisi, thereby thwarting the equality march. The examples inspired by the Kremlin's dogmas of aggression are unfortunately expanding in Georgia.
The cohabitation of the government and president Salome Zurabishvili since 2018 rapidly turned into an open conflict. Although she was a nonpartisan candidate, she was supported by the Georgian Dream party. However, Zurabiszvili chose a full independent policy to specified an degree that it was attempted to remove it by impeachment procedure. The conflict reached its apogee in October. Parliamentary elections were explicitly falsified in favour of the ruling party, and the credibility of their results was not recognised by both the opposition and the president. Crowds of Georgians went to the streets to protest the drifting imagination of democracy and the rapprochement from the EU. According to the “Deutsche Welle” survey, nearly 80% of the polled residents of the Caucasus republic support joining the European community.
Green Casper