The question is: what (and is anything at all) threatens the PCW for deliberately misleading the public and misrepresenting the results of the presidential election?
Another question, possibly more importantly: why is Mr Marciniak and Mr PiS so keen to fast-track Nawrocki as president - before he had the chance to act the law, and the NSA and the D.A.'s office and explain what happened to more than 3 1000 election irregularities? If they're certain Nawrocki was chosen fairly, why are they in specified a hurry? What are they afraid of?
If the election wasn't rigged?
Yesterday, a associate of the KO, Roman Giertych, informed on X that he had filed an electoral protest with the ultimate Court and demanded the annulment of the elections. Mr Gierty wants, in my opinion, to recalculate the votes in all the electoral committees, not just in thirteen, as the PKW has decided so far.
The MP rightly points to a advanced hazard of falsifying votes by replacing the results of candidates in favour of Karol Nawrocki - which, if confirmed, could give a completely different result to the election.
It's a maneuver known to political sciences.
It besides turned out that candidates specified as Marek Jakubiak, Maciej Maciak or Krzysztof Stanowski could compete in elections not to win or even to play something (e.g. scope and authorship), but besides to send their representatives to committees and polling stations.
This is simply a maneuver known to political sciences, called ‘technical candidateing’, or moving not to actually apply for office, but to benefit from the privileges of candidates specified as the ability to study men of trust and members of election committees. due to the fact that - and this is worth stressing - each candidate has the right to delegate his people to election committees.
And here the most interesting: there are no authoritative data on the number of men of trust submitted by individual candidates - it is simply a pity that there is no tab on the PKW website: "Men of trust from individual election committees" - due to the fact that if individual wanted to prove the systematic usage of method candidates - specified data would be crucial - would be evidence of the coordinated action and scale of the phenomenon.
These presidential elections were exceptional in 1 more respect: all 10th associate of the committee was elected from an election committee that did not set up a candidate at all, but placed his people on committees. And here's the question: why? Are committees without candidates, but with people in commissions is simply a suspicious gap in the strategy allowing election fraud?
However, the most crucial argument in favour of repeating the presidential elections is Article 127 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland Article 127, which states clearly that:
The president of the Republic is elected by the Nation in general, equal, direct and secret ballot.
The rule of equal elections means that all voter has equal right to vote and each vote has equal value and weight. So the impact of a single vote on the result of the election is the same for all voter.
In practice, this rule so means that all voter has the right to influence his vote on the result of the election.
So it's obvious, (I've already written it on X, but I'll repeat to readers from on the subject) that since (and we already know that for sure) not everyone could vote due to the fact that people were denied the right to vote due to Matecki's application - the elections were not equal.
Elections should be repeated
They were not common either, due to the fact that the rule of universality of elections means that all adult citizen with the right to vote has the right to give an crucial vote and to elect his representatives.
Therefore, since (and we already know that it was) - in the presidential election many citizens were not allowed to vote - the elections were not common.
Therefore, they should be repeated, no substance how many votes he lost or gained from any falsifications of Nawrocka or Trzaskowski.
Because they were not equal and universal, and equality and universality, according to the Constitution of Poland are a condition for them to be important.
