Corruption in Ukrainian energy on the mark of the service – recordings of the group's actions were revealed

ine.org.pl 1 month ago
Zdjęcie: wywiad_Maciej Musiał (2)


In the morning, November 10, the National Anti-corruption Office of Ukraine (NABU) together with the peculiar Anti-corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAP) published the film, which in the first 30 minutes looked at thousands of people. In Ukrainian media, the subject immediately became hot, and the first mentions already appeared abroad. Morning coffee for many Ukrainians turned out to be bitter: a strategical state company whose yearly income exceeds 200 billion hryvnia was actually managed by outsiders, and counterparties were forced to pay 10-15% of the contract to not lose liquidity and supplier status.

According to the NABU communication in Telegram, after 15 months of work and analyzing more than a 1000 hours of audio recordings, it was possible to paper the activities of a criminal organization operating at multiple levels. Its members have created a large-scale structure for the impact on strategical enterprises in the state sector, primarily on Energoatom, a state atomic power plant operator.

The operation, called Operation Midas, began in the summertime of 2024 and lasted for 15 months. It was 1 of the most comprehensive actions in the past of NABU, involving the full staff of the Office and covering hundreds of operating hours and analysis of audio recordings. The final phase of the operation was highly intense – as many as 70 searches were carried out at various points of the country to collect final evidence of criminal activity.

Figure 1. Screenshot of the NABU entry on the Telegram
Source: NABU

Criminal mechanics and pattern of corrective actions

NaBU video transcripts indicate that Energoatom workers introduced and utilized a strategy that was internally referred to as “шотбаум” (“shotbaum”). It was a word utilized in a criminal organization to describe the mechanics of extortion of bribes and was a central component of the group's activities. Its mechanics was based on forcing undue benefits from Enerhoatom counterparties and was implemented through a strict division of tasks within the company.

The group included key officials: erstwhile energy minister advisor, manager of safety and safety in Enerhoatom, businessman in charge of the full structure and 4 back-office staff liable for legalising financial flows.

Figure 2. Screenshot from the video provided by NABU

Source: NABU

How the strategy worked:

  • Shadow manager – took over actual control of orders, staff and execution of contracts, organized extortion.
  • Contractor and financial controller – collecting funds from contractors, deciding on withdrawals and enforcing the Shotbaum rules.
  • Finance manager – supported enforcement of extortion, utilized legal moratorium to collect debts.
  • Nuclear power plant managers – they collected any of the undue benefits and transferred them to the central group.
  • Other members – a businessman and 4 back-office employees, active in legalising financial flows.

The talks uncover that the members of the group treated infrastructure projects not as part of State security, but primarily as a origin of private income. In May 2025, “Rocket” instructed his co-workers that if the contractor failed to comply, the full line of companies would be “zeroed” and the workers appointed to the army. In July, in the context of the planned construction of protective facilities in power plants, it was initially suggested that the investment be halted due to a "loss of money" to yet plan projects worth respective billion hryvnia, with an average of 10-15%. The discussions besides show how to plan the distribution of bribes, effort to increase the percent of haberdashery in the face of risks to infrastructure and instrumental usage of contracts as a financial origin of profit.

Most of the recordings made available in the movie come from 2 weeks before trying to limit the independency of NABU and SAP in July, suggesting a close link between corruption and key political decisions. It is clear that the "shotbaum" strategy worked in the context of legislative changes, which further undermines assurance in state institutions and shows how policies and economical interests could permeate each other.

We are already seeing the first unofficial attempts to establish the figures of those active in the revealed scheme. As the first of his suggestions, Ihor Łachenkow (Ukrainian influencer, blogger and volunteer, author of the popular Telegram channel reporting the situation in Ukraine, including wars and cases of corruption). His findings and media communications let us to bring together those active in the affair:

  • Ihor Myroniuk (Roket), an advisor to the energy minister, was a ‘shadow administrator’, overseeing contracts and staff at Enerhoatom.
  • Dmytro Basow (Tenor), a financial controller, was liable for the money flows and the collection of the racket.
  • Timur Mindich ("Карлсон") is simply a businessman and co-owner of 4th 95. His business structures were linked to state contracts, including through "Кінокіт" and Fire Point companies, and in June 2025 his cousin was arrested in connection with a strategy worth over 120 million UAH. Mindicz is besides a partner of Serhij Bossir, the first assistant president, in the company “Kvartal 95” and in the Cypriot company Green household Ltd., controlling the movie business “Quarter 95” in Russia.
  • Herman Haluszchenko (Professor), a erstwhile energy minister, served as the mention point for the group's decision.

Since this morning, NABU has been conducting searches in the offices of the Minister of Justice, erstwhile Minister of Energy Halushchenko and Enerhoatom. At the same time, officers visited Mindich, who the media indicate as a individual closely related to president Zelenski. According to reports, he left Ukraine a fewer hours before searching.

Mindicz is simply a erstwhile fiancé of Ihor Kolomojski's daughter and his partner in business projects, including developers. Mindich's ties to Fire Point are being investigated in the context of possible overpriced drone prices and transportation volumes for the Ministry of Defence.

By media reportsMindich was expected to leave the country hours before the search. However, the spokesperson for the State Border Service Andrij Demchenko statedthat he has no information about the departure of Timur Mindych from Ukraine. He besides stressed that the service has no right to disclose data on third-party crossing.

Political context and consequences

Most of the recordings revealed in the movie were created just before trying to restrict the independency of NABU and SAP in July 2025 (Law 12414), which naturally undermines assurance in state institutions. This shows how close corruption has been to key political and strategical decisions. The adoption of the bill sparked massive social protests which forced the authorities to reconstruct the independency of anti-corruption institutions. Nevertheless, the situation has left a lasting way in assessing the effectiveness of reforms and citizens' confidence.

The links between people in the immediate surroundings of president Zelenski further increases the hazard of failure of credibility of authorities in the eyes of the public and abroad partners. The first abroad reactions show the scale of interest: the Russian agency TASS reports searches with the erstwhile energy minister, in Enerhoatom, as well as with the co-owner of "Quarter 95", Timura Mindicz, referred to as "Zelenski's wallet". TASS stresses that the revealed recordings concern the construction of protective reinforcements for "crazy" amounts and suggests the anticipation of a serious political crisis in Ukraine.

In the country too, reactions are not without echo. Oleksij Honcharenko, opposition politician to the president, on social media comments:

"I fishy that Timur Mindich's age is between 18 and 22. Why else would he leave so soon? It's a mystery! A friend of Zelenski left so quickly, even before the search. It can't be that Volodymyr Alexandrovich let his friends do anything! I don't believe it!”

Its entry shows the surprise and distrust of any public opinion towards those around the President, which further undermines the level of assurance in the authorities both at home and abroad.

In addition, Honcharenko points out that in the media and on the channels of the Telegram, content has appeared suggesting that the case is “bizure” and NABU works poorly. According to him, any of the messages may be linked to the channels or close environment of the President's office, but there is no authoritative confirmation of these actions. He notes that media headlines highlight, among others:

"NABU has opened a case that will never close – Media. present everyone saw "sensation" – thousands of hours of audio recordings and "mass evidence", but conducting an expert and analyzing materials of this scope is simply a process for years. Lawyers will receive generous fees, NABU detectives pay out of the budget, and people will occasionally make loud statements about “new evidence”. Everything can end as in most NABU cases – quite a few noise, no results.”

Such a comment shows that in the media space there are attempts to question the investigation, which may affect public opinion and perception of anti-corruption activities, although it is impossible to clearly find who is behind these messages.

Known presenter, politician and Volontarius Serhij Prytuła – a individual recognized since 2014 for his aid to defenders besides He commented sharply Disclosure. In a Facebook post, he wrote that seeing a “mountain of money” in bags and packages in his bags sparks rage: he asks how much of this money could go to the equipment of soldiers and what was being spared while people donated to the defence. His words – "Those who stole this money from their nation and their army... They are traitors of the state" – they give emergence to social frustration and demotivation: donors feel cheated, volunteers discouraged and assurance in public institutions weakened. It is not just anger, it is simply a signal that without fast and visible corrective measures, the government is risking a further fall in social morale and expanding force on circumstantial actions and settlements.

The strategy according to which the group operated reveals that any strategical state companies could function outside formal supervision, utilizing legal gaps and morals. Threats, black letters, and certification control were instruments whereby state procedures served private gain. The disclosure of recordings during the debate on the independency of NABU and SAP clearly undermines the assurance of citizens and abroad partners, and the treatment of infrastructure projects as sources of private income poses a real threat to Ukraine's energy security.

Although initially the president of Ukraine did not address the case directly, a fewer hours after the release of the recordings the position was taken by the President's Office. Volodymyr Zelenski's communications advisor, Dmytro Łytwyn, in a comment for the media, stressed that "there must be an inevitability of punishment" towards all active and that the President's Office supports the activities of NABU and SAP, awaiting formal suspicions and subsequent procedural steps.

In the evening the president himself published his regular recording to the citizens, in which he referred to the energy scandal. He stressed the request for the government's inevitability of punishment and cooperation with NABU, but did not give details or mention names, specified as Timur Mindycz. Society and media expected a clearer position – critics indicate, that the speech was alternatively symbolic, reminiscent of a minimum mention to the case, without a firm condemnation of those active in the scheme.

A passage of the President’s statement: “Today, any effective action against corruption is much needed. The inevitability of punishment is necessary. Energoatom provides the largest part of energy generation in Ukraine. Purity in the company is simply a priority. Anyone who builds schemes must receive a clear procedural response. Judgments must fall and officials should cooperate with NABU and another law enforcement authorities in order to accomplish results." – Volodymyr Zelenski

What else will the investigation of NABU and SAP reveal?

Moments after the first movie was released, NABU reported an different find during a search at the co-organizer's: a dark leather briefcase with Russian state crest was secured and written, "Security Service of the president of the Russian Federation". This discovery may indicate further links or papers that NABU will analyse in the subsequent stages of the investigation, suggesting that the communicative of the revealed strategy is just beginning.

Figure 3. Screenshot of the NABU entry on the Telegram: “During a search in the office of 1 of the co-organizers of the corruption strategy in the energy sector, NABU and SAP found an interesting artifact.”

Source: NABU

NABU The second part of the investigation has besides been published "Легалізація" ("Legalisation"), revealing money laundering and concealing illegal profits. The material shows that the process of legalising the measures was liable for a peculiar “office-center” in the heart of Kiev, belonging to the household of the erstwhile MP and now the Russian Federation Senator Andrij Derkacz, previously accused by NABU and SAP in another proceeding.

In this office, “black accounts”, strict record-keeping of financial flows and money laundering were organised through a network of non-resident companies. Part of the transaction, including the issuance of cash and currency operations, took place outside Ukraine – including Munich, Vienna and Atlanta.

According to investigators, through the alleged "launder" over US$100 million, and legalization services were besides provided to non-criminal persons – collecting commissions depending on the kind and scale of the transaction.

The second part of the NABU investigation besides reveals further shocking recordings. 1 of them shows a “back-office worker” who describes transferring immense amounts of cash – in 1 case $1.6 million. This passage illustrates the scale of the operation and the real challenges associated with the flow of funds within the disclosed scheme.

Figure 4.Screenshot from the NABU movie – a part of the recording in which a back-office worker describes a cash transfer of US$1.6 million.

== sync, corrected by elderman ==

Shugarmen: – How did you turn the box in?
Riosik: – Him? What's up?
Shugarmen: – No, where did he give it?
Rioszyk: – It had a handle specified as a laptop, only packed. That's it. I then thanked Kapella due to the fact that I took the citrus (million) and gave 1.6 in the same box. But carrying 1.6 to the image is specified a “satisfaction.”

Source: NABU

The case is only temporing – everyone is waiting for further reactions from the president, which can mitigate or exacerbate the political effects of the scandal, as well as the improvement of the situation towards suspects. In the coming weeks, fresh publications and disclosures are expected to decide on the further investigation. Everything indicates that the substance will go on for a long time – we are facing legal trials, possible appeals and global reactions, and its political and legal consequences may be felt for many months.

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