The jury awarded the first 2 awards.

Andrzej Kordas for a story ‘Display’

and

Jack Kazimierski For memories “It was Sunday too!”

“The time of trial has come. Trials of our characters, our love for Homeland, our patriotism. Let's be a Solider! Solidarity is our only weapon! Let us besides remember that the most just justice is our conscience.”

Two weeks before the “elections” in 1984, I sit reasoning about the first, self-written 13.12.1981 leaflet directed to the respective hundred-person “Solidarity” I represent at the Wood Trading Centre in Warsaw. My "chosen conscience" is calm, so I wonder how best to aid those for whom the "judge" was little gracious (still wondering whether to go to vote) and to disgust the life of those deprived of conscience, and thus not experiencing any dilemmas. It may be strange, but the most appropriate form seems to me to refresh the individual experiences of the tragic Sunday of December 1981, although it is alternatively reluctant to callback something that causes nausea. It comes to me so much easier, that the first impression of the unspoken, provoked war against Poland was then transferred on paper as I saw and experienced – chaoticly, but truly. I did not belong to ‘extremists’, so the more apparent and the only 1 for the intimidated or for another reasons hesitant voters should be after reading these memories the decision that I had already made – the boycott decision. There is no “Solidarity” – there is no justice, there is no voters – there is no election. Homo dementia – a man with impaired critical judgment. So go to the handicapped man on June, 1984, thank the elected councilman for his hunger, whip, shackle and shackles and ask for more. Don't forget, after all, that you left children at home not entitled to vote, who, perhaps, erstwhile reading what I'm writing, will never forgive you.

Those who have survived political divisions in the immediate household cannot be happy, for they are mostly irreversible and painful divisions. So I remember how most of the provoked divisions in homes, workplaces, and society occurred. 13.12.1981, 08.10 p.m. – for the first time I heard a fragment of Jaruzelski's speech, "justifying" the introduction of martial law. We briefly discussed the situation among the family, after which I left the afraid parents and went to a friend of the president of the Plant Commission of NSZZ “S”, Zbyszek Papliński, who had not yet known anything. We decided to go to the Head of the National Forest Coordination Commission of NSZZ “S” by Bogusław Mozga (he besides acted in the same building, as did 9 another company committees, including me and Zbyszka). On the way we saw blocked and covered intersections, bridgeheads, more crucial objects, concrete dams at theheads. Transporters, cars, military, militia... Keying, we entered Mokotowska Street, where the seat of the Mazowsze Region was located. A large group of people before entering the Region. I entered the Region (internally the “S” activists closed) on the basis of the mandate of KZ NSZZ “S” to whom I was chairman. The temper of depression. No 1 had information about the destiny of the National Commission, the regional activists, nor was there any instructions. The first individual encountered was a delegate to the Zygmunt Duck Solidarity Convention. As I learned in a moment, the “catch” has already been carried out twice, arresting everyone who was in the building. Money, materials (parts destroyed on site), Solidarity office were demolished. But there was something left due to the fact that a fewer people carried out the surviving equipment. We left the Mazovia Region building, which we visited along the way to Mozga and went to Ursyn. After long waiting under his apartment, we were about to leave the block erstwhile the door of our neighbors abruptly opened and Bogusław’s wife, Gretel, left. We went into the apartment. That's where we found out about her husband's internment scenes. about 0.15 at night, 13.12.1981 a militiaman in a uniform and 2 civilians showed an order to intern: ..."it is said that he participated in an activity aimed at depriving the state and overthrowing the force of the PRL system" - War State Decree of 12.12.1981. Mozga was not allowed to contact neighbors to ask them to take care of his wife, but told Margaret that he could learn about the destiny of his husband at Malczewskiego Street. In addition, the name of “Warsaw – Białołęka” on the internment order suggested a place of retreat – a prison in Białołęka. Returning to Brodno, we joined my brother, who was a professional officer of the Polish Army. I asked him if he knew anything about war preparations, but he denied it. He was home, so he wasn't active in the preparations. No wonder his brother was active in Solidarity. I asked Mark to take care of my household if the “hand of justice” touched me. On my way out, I turned to my brother with attention that I hope he would not shoot me, which he replied to, that he hoped it would not happen. I felt it painfully. I'm out. Then I found out, half an hr later, all military cars were taken out of that block by their wives' lamen, and they weren't the ones being thrown into prisons. Not yet were barricaded in blocks – fortresses of the "founded" army and militia by society. It was only later that the castles were built in these blocks, for 24 hours that armed officers were in charge of guarding their belongings and families, and the strangers were issued passes – all for fear of revenge of the abandoned "funders" due to the fact that these blocks were reportedly "marked" by "saboteurs" from Solidarity. The circumstantial function of defensive formations during the war. We're going back with Zbyszek. In the city there is simply a shock, although any have not yet known what was going on. Only children, carefree and laughing, had fun sledding and snowballing. They did not realize that it was against them that was declared martial law. On the another hand, we were optimistic about the first shreds of torn declarations of war. Not even the date of the most crucial decree, dated 12.12.1981, was mentioned in the notices. This fact and the number of notices throughout the country clearly demonstrated erstwhile they were printed. Not overnight, like WRON's. Lublin Union Square. respective people gave out the first flyers: ..."the deadline for the confrontation was carefully chosen by the authorities. Leading Solidarity activists are at the meetings of the National Commission (their destiny is not yet known to us) and at the same time the full crews in the workplaces will only be possible from Monday ... Poland has not died yet" – this is simply a fragment of the leaflet written by “Solidarity” Ursus at 3.00 a.m. Upon returning home, I tried unsuccessfully to get my wife to decision in with her parents. I was preparing her (and myself) for a possible arrest. I went to church last night. The priest with whom I got into the discussion stated that it was possibly only a large bogeyman, to which I replied that our only weapon in this situation could be passive resistance. I besides added that the most painful thing is that we were yelled at as enemies of the Homeland. I know I shouldn't take it to heart, but it's crucial who speaks and, above all, what they say. So let's remember what it looked like back then. The lowest level of military martial law – tv announcers in people specified as Stefanowicz and Racławicki, read them the pages: messages, announcements and warnings intertwined by Jaruzelski's speech, which Przymanowski – about horror! – compared them to Czycki and Kościuszko. The reasons for the declaration of war were proclaimed: Solidarity's desire to take over power, to overthrow the system, and thus to face it, which was “confirmed by the unbreakable” of the Radom Councils and resolutions of KK in Gdańsk and the protest announced on 17 December. Amazing unanimity and incredible “support” of the state of war by society! Here are any examples. ZSMP issues a message in support of martial law (it's about time!), states that hope (in the form of tanks?!), ... if it wasn't for the martial law, there could be... bloodshed! ... On the another hand, an anonymous female from dairy establishments: ... “we women are very afraid, we were afraid of bloodshed, so it is good that it is martial law” ... . Żukrowski, Przymanowski, Koźniewski, Kosiński, anonymous interlocutors ... Efficient day-to-day work, improving the supply of bread, milk and meat. Long live the war! – the choir of endangered communists and all tiny people re-entered the juncie. For them, improving the economical situation is essential to keep the privileges achieved, and, unfortunately, the limits of "necessity" are missing the limits of opportunities. This may be sad, but this is the “state of the body” and then the “spiritual needs” are the driving force behind spontaneous reactions—the body of the hungry, beaten, battered, despised. Spontaneity, on the another hand, has been deciding and deciding our present. And her power is most afraid and she has to deal with it due to the fact that she wants to be power as long as possible. All postwar, “hot” months and this “hottest” – August ’80, were uncontrollable speeches. Not framed in any frame, the most hard were to master and the most embarrassing to explain, and at the same time enjoyed the top support of the public. All demonstrations and protests after 13 December 1981, and I participated in them, were successful until they were decoded and worked out by the ZOMO. And nothing unifies as a common misery, a patriotic song, and a successful demonstration, even if it has been occupied with certain sacrifices. This spontaneity was not utilized in 1956 by Gomółka, nor did we usage it after August 1980. In this case, I disagree with Kisielewski, who claims that the workers as a programmer force, proposing a fresh system, failed. On the another hand, I agree with the message that workers are perfectly capable of breaking the system, but are incapable to build a fresh order for it. However, the workers did not neglect due to the fact that the burden of building the program was not on the workers’ shoulders. They prepared us, i.e. intelligence, activists, advisers, finally, a prefield to make fresh conditions for our common life, ready at any time to support unknown, undisputed or late programs, including recovery programs proposed by Kurowski, Wielowieyski, Bugaj and others. Therefore, I find thesis threatening and problematic which diminishes the current meaning or even eliminates millions of people from the fight, even though the next “August” will be primarily “working” and the problem will again depend on not to miss “September”. And then what? We'll most likely turn our eyes to the West. The West, which will not do much beyond the Soviet-designated imperialist limit of non-intervention. Let it be a tragic Sunday on December 13th. Western broadcasts dedicate their programs to Polish affairs. Spontaneous reactions and protests in France, England, Italy, Switzerland, the USA and many another countries. Sanctions, boycotts, protest notes, resolutions of union associations, global organizations and the firm position of the Polish people. Nobel Peace Prize, honorary doctorates, distinctions, honorary citizenship. Solidarity Committees in France, Sweden, Switzerland, USA ... Yet, the authoritative position of the West is somewhat reserved. The heartfelt outrage of Western politicians is all we can hope for, though we dream of even a symbolic pronouncement of “the order of Yalta”. In this situation, is it adequate to look back and wait for a miracle? I have never supported conservative attitudes, nor do I think there is simply a situation without a choice. So let the Solidarity Committees behind the Border and many Polonia deal not with Poland, but the West – arrogant but naive, free, but threatened. These are people raised in the East, and so under the "red" rule, the most they gotta say about the threat from the retreating and rotting, the more the kicking and dangerous communist movement. Your presence must be visible, loud, intrusive! What about us surviving in Poland? Our rich history, close and far, is simply a evidence to our indestructibility, must awaken and awaken the admiration and jealousy of those who have come into contact with Poles and with Poland while travelling in our country. The inoculation of the “Polish plague” against which all land borders have been closed is real and not so hard again. Each plague has a common feature – it spreads rapidly. "Fear the wrath of a calm man" - said a respected educator to me once. Therefore, our program must besides be the instigation of the anger of people who were not allowed to last October, June or August.

Let's start with a “transplant” of circumstantial Polish “elections” in June 1984. It can be said that 2 "election lists" have been created - the authoritative list of power and the unofficial "social list". 1 was printed in the home of the Polish Word, the another – on the copy of the Solidarity Underground. The names of the candidates did not match. any “voted” by checking out on the list (throwing paper into the urn), others – bypassing the polling place. But power in a 38-million-dollar country whose primary attribute is almost a million-dollar repression apparatus cannot lose its “elections”. All the more reason to lose in a situation where an extended underground has been operating since 2.5 years ago, erstwhile stormy protests are regularly held, erstwhile yet society openly demonstrates its discontent. And there are many reasons: at least a fewer twelve deaths of martial law, sadism and impunity of the "watchmen of public order", illegally imprisoned, both with and without convictions, a powerful debt threatening insolvency, and all with simultaneous, improbable even arrogance and contempt, in specified a distinctive and unparalleled manner presented by the press spokesperson of the Jerzy Urban Government. The post-war electoral falsifications so far came down to giving results at close to 100% turnout. This time, in 1984, power spread to the full planet that it was supported by 75% of the "mature and responsible" society. Meanwhile, undemocratic, non-free and unequal elections met with a widespread boycott on an unprecedented scale. It wasn't that easy to warp something that was so different from the erstwhile assumptions. Members of the Electoral Commission were so excited to meet the challenge. The drawn 75% of those taking part in the vote were already a defeat of power, and the real disaster was what the authorities wished for – envelopes thrown into the polls. frequently these were empty envelopes, but even more frequently described with various symbols, specified as "Solidarity of the Fighting" or epithets not suitable for quoting. Those are the voices of those who went to the election, but they remembered that the most just justice was our conscience. The crucial thing is that the priests and the advanced officials of the church did not take part in these elections.

I wrote the text (abbreviated abbreviations) in 1984, in an election year, based on the first handwritten records of my memories from the first days of martial law. Both manuscripts are a priceless souvenir to me today.