The German Chancellor late presented his plan to improve the competitiveness of the national Republic. But it is hard to find a real breakthrough.
Fatal data on the decline in employment, the losses in the automotive manufacture and the emergence in energy prices made the head of the German government importantly velocity up work on its key improvement package.

Climate Revisionism
The fact that the German economy has been in a major crisis has been known for a very long time, but the German authorities have frequently denied this fact very strongly. This has besides been done by Friedrich Merz, who has ruled since May of this year, taking power after the catastrophe of the alleged large coalition. However, in fresh times, his statements have seen any revisionism, most likely attributable to the expanding force from alternate für Deutschland (AfD).
The party's polls, which promises voters to break open borders and climate change policy, are increasing the more they take on economical handicaps. Friedrich Merz's initiative should so be considered not so much a manifestation of his common sense assessment of reality as a political maneuver to keep power. The CDU/CSU under him has already passed even the polling "tub" from AfD, which is why the request for action has become more urgent than ever.
The Merza plan is sometimes referred to as "the autumn of reforms", as the large legislative offensive is to be implemented in the coming weeks. Its subject is to "adjust climate policy to the realities of competition in global markets". What precisely is behind this deviation from climate orthodoxy?
The "Autumn Reform" includes a full package of changes of fiscal, infrastructure and deregulation nature and any far-reaching proposals related to global policy. According to Merz, the strategy adopted by him is to increase productivity by up to 2% per year by 2030, creating 500 000 fresh jobs and expanding exports by 15%.
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Three Pillars
The first pillar of the Merza Plan concerns an increase in investment. A peculiar fund worth EUR 500 billion will play a key function here, for which constitutional sovereign debt rules will be modified. Expenditure on infrastructure and defence may be exempted from spending limits, as long as it does not exceed 0.35% of gross home product in total.
This half a trillion euros will be spent, among others, on the construction of motorways (as if they were missing in Germany), bridges and railway lines and on the expansion of hydrogen-gas networks. In addition, €100 billion is reserved for investigation and development, primarily through the creation of fresh courses at method universities. Germany is to become a fresh technological leader and make jobs for highly skilled workers.
The second pillar of the improvement autumn concerns deregulation. If you believe Chancellor Merza's assurances, the number of posts in the national administration is to be reduced by as much as 8 percent and the wage costs reduced by 2029 by 25 percent. all year, the bureaucratic apparatus wastes as much as EUR 100 billion, which is why it is considered better for these measures to start serving the economy.
Friedrich Merz besides recommended that a peculiar committee be set up to set up unnecessary rules that could be abolished immediately. In this case, however, there is simply a concern that the effect will be akin to that of the akin commission of Rafał Brzoski in Poland. The well-packed marketing task turned out to be completely unproductive and extended only for the purposes of the election campaign. The German deregulation committee has even little chance of success, as Robert Habeck of the Greens is the leader.
The announcements of deregulation and simplification of bureaucracy must be treated with a large deal of reserve. Already at the time of the announcement of the plan to drain another EUR 50 billion a year of savings came from the ruling coalition the announcement that there could be no dismantling of the welfare state or besides "radicalism". With utmost wishful thinking, the Merza government plans to approach the full issue “pragmatically” but not by making any cuts, but by promising a more efficient administration of available resources. However, as has been demonstrated by the many years of experience of all countries in the world, only reorganization and improvement of processes alone is never adequate for a noticeable cost simplification effect.
The 3rd most crucial pillar of the Merza Plan concerns taxation changes. The most extremist decision is undoubtedly the desire to reduce CIT to just 10% in 2028. If this were to be achieved, Germany could indeed attract a crucial number of global companies for which our western neighbour would become a taxation haven. It is worth noting that the 10% rate is clearly lower than the previously proposed global minimum CIT rate provided for under the Janet Yellen Plan (15%).
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Race against polls
The proposal to mitigate the EU ban on the sale of combustion cars from 2035 is besides highly noteworthy. Friedrich Merz demands not so much to loosen the rules as to completely remove current restrictions and leave everything to the free market. This initiative can be considered to be very beneficial on the 1 hand, but given how much harm German chancellors have done so far, imposing a ban on the sale of combustion cars throughout the Union, there is no way to hide the irritation. The absurd provision, which inactive constitutes a conviction for millions of drivers across the Union, would now be immediately removed only due to the fact that it proved to be an obstacle to the Germans.
A peculiarly crucial component of the Merza Plan, which binds everything together, is of course the concept of making Germany a "global player" of a global policy. The most crucial instrument for achieving this nonsubjective is the European Union, limiting the growth possible of the another associate States. It is very characteristic that Friedrich Merz proposed a revision of the current economical policy only at the level of his country, not the full community. Demanding a more flexible approach to climate policy, he proposed to de facto exempt the German state from the constraints of pushing the sustainable improvement agenda.
Friedrich Merz's proposals give a example of the German political elite's characteristic immersion in contradictions. On the 1 hand, the Chancellor speaks of the request for extremist action and sacrifices in the face of immense challenges and delays, and on the another hand, the vast majority of his proposals are actually a manifestation of slavery to climate policy. This shows, for example, the investment plan to be in line with the zero-emission agenda, or the request to reduce bureaucracy while insistent on the alleged achievements of the German social state.
As with the Draghi Plan for the European Union, the Merza Plan demonstrates at most the deepening intellectual illness of the elites ruling the German state. The discontent with Merz's governments has already expressed evidence 62% of respondents and there are many indications that the half-measures proposed by him will not aid to improve the situation.











