
ONE – ANTIPOLISH Fraud
On July 27, 2001, the Gestapo, the weekly "Voice" was sent to the city of Jedwabne Laudanski.
Relationship of Jedwabny's resident, Zygmunt Laudanski sentenced in 1949 in a fake Ubek trial for 12 years in prison for the execution of Jews.
"Laudański was driven by Gestapo" - she testified to the protocol, interrogated by the public safety investigation officer in Łomża, Mariann Supraska, resident of Jedwabny. In 1949, the Public safety Office assembled a trial concerning the alleged participation of the Polish population of this town in the abuse and then the execution by burning in the barn, citizens of Polish judaic origin.
The evidence of Mrs. Supraska and another people who witnessed the drama of Jews from Jedwabny did not affect the conduct of the directed trial.
This parody of the Bolshevik "dimension of justice" took place on 16 and 17 May 1949 before the territory Court of Łomża. In the group of twenty-two accused of participating in the alleged judaic pogrom in Jedwabne there were besides the Laudan brothers surviving in the Writing today.
Both Jerzy and Zygmunt were sentenced to many years of imprisonment. The younger George was sentenced to 15 years, the older Zygmunt for 12 years. Sigismund Laudanski, who despite his 82 years of age and tummy ailments, a memoir after being kicked by the officers of the UB of Łomżyński, holds rather firm and has excellent memory, agreed to study his experiences from that period.
Before I go on to the account of Zygmunt Laudański, I will briefly mention to the aggressively publicized book by any judaic communities by Jan Tomasz Gross "Neighbours".
In 2000, Gross reproduced in this anti-Polish pashquil lies and a biased and unbelievable account of a man named Wasersztajn, a judaic officer of the UB, who was rescued by Poles from the silk pogrom.
Jadwiga Wąsowska-Kordas, a direct witness to the judaic march through the town to the barn, the place of their execution, about the "revelations" of Waserstajn, who at the time was called Stasiek Szałka, says briefly:
"...this swolocki spirit is impertinently lying, no of the Jews were cut or cut or without their head, no of the Poles cut the Jews' stomachs over the pond. There was no pond close the barn, and in that half a kilometer away, the water was clean due to the fact that on the same day we watered cows there."
Gross' lies in subsequent publications were exposed and inactive exposed by Polish historians and publicists. Just mention prof. Tomasz Strzembosz, prof. Jerzy R. Nowak, Piotr Gontarczyk as well as Andrzej Reymann.
Despite the credibility of Gross' investigation methods, they question the factography on which he relied. It is impossible to include in a single press article everything that results from extended documentation and origin materials collected by appointed historians and journalists. However, it can be asked to lie to the slanders of the author of the "Neighbours" and thus halt his desire to defame the Polish nation.
Fr Edward Orłowski, present parish priest of Jedwabny proved that his predecessor from the russian occupation, shot by Bolsheviks, priest Szumowski could not stand in the gate of 1 of the houses on the march way of Jews for burning, call to his countrymen:
"Poles, don't destruct Jews, don't do it, Germans will do it for you." No one, not even Gross, could rise a priest from his grave due to the fact that he had not been alive for six months. Fr Szumowski, arrested a year earlier as "rukowodiel counter-revolutionary-conjugal organization, kotoraja put up his goal in the court of vooruzzennogo vostwa protiv of russian ownership", was executed in January 1941.
This is confirmed by a copy of the answer of the Belarusian Consulate in Białystok on 26 October 1994, which is held by Fr Orłowski.
This document, as well as the facts listed below from Zygmunt Laudanski's account, as 1 of many are irrefutable evidence of Gross' lies.
In the light of the partial findings during the unfinished exhumation at the scene, all of Gross' myths and lies were shattered. He wrote a story of 1,600 murdered, and found gold coins and rings and scales and spheres of German production are proof that there was no robbery of the victims after they were killed, and at the crime scene were Germans who shot at the victims.
In August 1939, nineteen-year-old Sigismund Laudanski was given a charter of appointment to the army. However, he was not judged to fight a weapon in his hand. As a specialist-murderer, with his father's masonry master Czesław Laudanski, he was directed to the finishing work of a strategy of concrete fortifications under Wizna - the same ones on which the armored Guderian corps had carved out his teeth, and their heroic defenders, as the legendary Captain Raginis already today, preferred to die alternatively than surrender.
As the Germans approached Wizna, all civilian workers were ordered to evacuate to Baranovich. From there to Sarn, then to Kowl. There was nowhere else to run. Kowel was occupied by the Soviets, and the occupiers were helped by the judaic militia.
Equipped with rifles and signs of power, specified as red armbands on the sleeves, she oversaw Polish prisoners of war who were rushed to cover anti-aircraft ditches.
Jews mocked Polish officers, claiming that "their Poland" was already over.
In Lviv, the city's walls showed the inscriptions:
“You wanted Poland without Jews, you have Jews without Poland”
To 1 of the lieutenants, the Laudanians utilized civilian clothes to aid him escape. They didn't have much to look for either. Now on the 4th, due to the fact that on the war way the father and boy met the another 2 brothers (Jerzego and Kazimierz), decided to return to Jedwabny.
The return was facilitated by bikes. As they approached their hometown, the brothers decided to aid local farmers dig. In return, for payment, they received respective sacks of potatoes for winter. erstwhile they got home, the news of their father’s arrest struck them.
Czesław Laudanski, a well-known and valued master of masonry art in Jedwabne, was 1 of many initiators of building a parish church in this village. erstwhile the foundation stone was dug into the building of the future temple in 1926, the laymen and the clergy posed for the photo. Years later, this photograph was adequate for the NKVD to prove the father's "unrighteousness".
According to the Soviets, the "comit" with the clergy meant as much as anti-communism, and this gave a pass to deportation, or to that world.
The brothers were far from accusing anyone of denouncing their father. This could have been done by the Communist Jews as well as the 4 Christian brothers who considered themselves to be Communists.
So far they've decided to hide, due to the fact that knowing Bolshevik methods, they were convinced that the time would come for their father and for them. The oldest, Kazimierz, went to Ostrów Mazowiecki where he lived in Poręba.
Jerzy and Sigmund hid for six months; they seldom stayed at home - most frequently with friends of hosts, in barns, in attics.
The Laudanese had no enemies among their fellow countrymen and among much of the judaic community - most of them apolitical, trade and craft. They were no different, and the notion of anti-Semitism was abroad to them. Even the effort to enter the local clothing market, where at first they did well, left no injuries or resentment. They traded until judaic dumping merchants forced them to close the deal. However, this failed to antagonize the neighbors.
In the meantime, Sigismund decided to legally search his father's release. Application to the russian business authorities with a request for release was signed by many residents of Jedwabny, including Silken Jews.
The efforts so far have been unsuccessful, and constant hiding has already been a mess, so Sigismund decided to usage the trick...
One form of russian indoctrination in the occupied areas was giving to Poles translated into the Polish russian Constitution. 1 of the constitutional articles said that no 1 could answer and be held accountable for someone.
It was decided to usage Zygmunt Laudanski. In a letter addressed to Stalin and Kalinin, he asked what it was like that he had to hide due to his father's arrest. He is forced to do so by the conduct of the local authorities for whom he is simply a criminal. He so wants to know whether the russian Constitution is lying, or whether it is incorrectly implemented by russian officials.
He figured that the letter's advantage would be a place of delivery: a tiny Polish town occupied by the Soviets, from which no 1 always wrote to Moscow and most likely never wrote. It might interest someone. Yes, it did. The answer came to the address of an absent colleague, who, with his permission, gave cautiously. Laudański was informed that the office of lawyer General of the russian Union had taken an interest in his case and demanded appropriate explanations from his subordinate bodies. With specified a decision Sigmund returned home.
No one's bothered him yet. In order to aid my father stay alive in the prison in Łomżyn, food packages had to be supplied there. Each shipment required the approval of the local NKVD chief. With the essential in specified cases "acquainted" Sigismund went straight to the most crucial encavist in Jedwabne.
This 1 did not neglect to express his satisfaction with the unexpected encounter. They besides had a letter from Moscow. They were looking for Sigismund to prove themselves before the superiority. He may not have been hiding since. Moreover, the Silken NKVD considered him in a sense "his man" and tried to pull him into cooperation. The Soviets had already been affected by the Polish resistance. They suffered losses. In a skirmish with a Polish guerrilla, the erstwhile NKVD chief in Jedwabne, a man named Shewieliov, was killed.
The russian retaliatory action was partially successful. In 1 of the foresters they cornered the Polish branch. Among those killed was Jadwiga Laudanska, Zygmunt's uncle. The relation was a real threat to him. He freed himself from suspicions of cooperation with the opposition claiming that if he had been in contact with the guerrillas, he would not have come here to uncover himself.
However, he was aware that the NKVD had certain intentions for him to accept his explanations. So it was. He was advised to keep in contact with the local "cheer" and study on all alien appearing in the city. He knew he was under surveillance. It left a good face to play or fuck a proverbial fool.
He took up work at the local MTS (machino-tratornoj stancja) where he worked until the Germans entered. He was moonlighting. The younger brother George appointed a cobbler in Konstanty's uncle's workshop. My father was inactive in prison. They had continued hope of his release, although the prospects were alternatively poor.
Neither Jerzy, nor Sigismund, due to the ties between unclehood and the resistance, could "stir." It remained the most crucial - to survive, avoid being transported into Russia and not get arrested.
They thought about escaping behind the cordon, to the General Gubern, to the oldest Kazimierz. But by running, they would have sentenced their parent to prison, and their father to death, and they couldn't do that. So they inactive lived in russian "happiness".
As ordered by them, they participated in the celebration of "predators": "first-time" and "octiabrskowo". As ordered, they wore banners, assaults and portraits of russian leaders. Sigismund, with a youthful tendency to "play" mostly caught Stalin's portrait, which in combination with the appropriate facial expressions and the passing of an eye to trusted colleagues provided no fun. He did not foretell that after years Agnieszka Arnold would movie about him utilizing this minute to make him as a "bolshevik bandit".
When the Germans entered Jedwabne on 22 June 1941, the Laudanese rejoiced like everyone else. But not due to the liberators. The reason for joy was the fact of a war between 2 eternal enemies. They believed that, as in planet War I, Poland would be born from this fire free and reborn.
The Germans never greeted anyone with flowers. You should have been on guard, due to the fact that there were no jokes with them. If they didn't shoot, they beat up. The "gentlemen's" shoe was already in the beginning of many.
After taking Łomża, his father returned home and released all russian prisoners. Friends brought him home blind and without power in his legs. A small more, and he'd be mutilated by a Bolshevik bonehead.
Those who have been hiding from the Soviets have besides returned. They were looking for guilty unwives and arrests - mostly those of the judaic militia. In vain, due to the fact that they all ran off with the retreating Red Army. The Germans shot 2 Wiśniewski brothers, who, as NKVD confiscations, denounced people cooperating with the Polish resistance.
Fearing same - justice, they took refuge at the German Gendarmerie Station. After a brief investigation, the Germans liquidated them.
They besides put Czesław Kurpiewski, who served in the Russian militia, against the wall. The latter, as rumored by the rumor, was first broken by old Stryjkowska. If that was the case, Kurpiewski must have had a beating. He was a peculiar scumbag.
The pogroms were never heard of. The Laudanians seldom went to town. They took care of their father.
They decided not to give him death.
There was quite a few news about their home on Kościewska Street, but any mass speeches by the Polish people against The Jews didn't hear. It was unthinkable in the presence of the German gendarmerie, which, by all means, applied only 1 punishment - the death penalty.
One of the first orders of the fresh occupier was the 1 about giving up weapons and radio receivers and hiding Jews. For hiding a Jew, they were threatened with death, and they, wherever they were hiding, were to return immediately to their homes.
On the day of July 10, 1941, Sigismund Laudanski stayed home from morning. Around noon, a man came to the Laudanian home with a command from the mayor to have Sigmund appear immediately in "Astoria". It was a no longer existing building on the marketplace where he lived and served as Mayor of Karolak, a renegade and a traitor who signed the "folkslist". Sigismund as a bricklayer was to study for the kitchen repair.
On the way, he decided to go to the Old marketplace to his fiancée Anna and, on the way, choice up his pants from a judaic tailor surviving next door. In the Old marketplace Square he met Mayor Karolak in the company of uniformed Germans, who drove out Jews surviving close with orders to go to the marketplace - the right one, called the large or fresh Market.
The hit wanted the tailor who fixed Sigismund's pants to see him through the window and left the home to give it to him. This was not allowed by Karolak, who, in the run-up to Laudański for tardiness, rushed him and the tailor, and expelled from his judaic homes in the meantime, ordered to give his pants to Anna's mother, Sigismund's fiancée.
Going with the Jews to the large marketplace as well as the mayor and uniformed Germans, he was seen, among another things, by Marianna Supraska mentioned at the very beginning. 8 years later, the favorable evidence of this female was completely ignored by the UB of Łomżyński, erstwhile "by force" (in metaphor and literally) were sought guilty of the alleged pogrom.
After entering the market, he noticed groups of Jews - women, children and men - drinking grass increasing from among cat heads. Upon entering the mayor's apartment, he found Karolak's wife, who complained that the damaged kitchen did not let her to boil water for tea.
“The Germans have invaded” and the husband wants to invitation them for a meal,” she said.
She asked Sigmund to fix it quickly. After dealing with the mayor's kitchen, he decided to go home as shortly as possible. The marketplace was increasingly crowded, and the Jews spent by the Germans were coming. He headed towards the Old marketplace Square where Anna, his fiancée, lived.
He was turned back by an armed German. The short "zurueck" ruled out any discussion. The same happened to him at the exit to Wizna, as well as at the entrance to Łomżyńska and Przerętowska Street. He tried to enter the judaic synagogue - he was not allowed there either.
The Germans continued to drag Jews into the marketplace - either themselves or through forced Poles, who later, like Stanisław Zejer, a farmer from Jedwabny, became victims of the Ubek "process" and paid the highest price - their own life.
The police station is full of Germans and... the only way out of the mat. Sigismund's going that way. By crossing the building, he enters the area of the gendarme property, and from there only a step to 11 November. He got to the street on his way to the Catholic cemetery, where he got to his home by the Borawski house.
Being at home, in a while he noticed how from the place where the cemetery and the Śleszyński barn were located he blew up a pile of smoke. He didn't know what had happened yet. He never left the home that day. He stayed with his sick father.
He was worried about his small brother. Having witnessed the German attack on the judaic population of the town, and knowing the brutality and impertinence of the "superhumans" in relation to Poles and Jews, he feared that something should not happen to Jurk.
At that time the youngest, like respective another Polish residents of the town, under the supervision of Gestapo and gendarmes, was chased to convoy Jews into the market. Jerzy Laudański's "participation" in the alleged pogrom, was thus testified in 1949 to the aforementioned Stanislaw Zejer:
"...I saw George Laudański follow the Jews as they drove them to the market, the Laudański followed the Gestapo. I didn't see anyone else from the another defendants. These Jews were led by Gestapo and they beat them."
The judaic officers of the then safety Office did not consider specified testimony. It was their work to "provide" the guilt of the suspected goys.
After burning the barns, the Germans issued a decree that Jews who avoided death and hid themselves would study to the ghetto in Łomża - where they would be able "to live and work peacefully." rather quite a few them have come in. Until their departure to the Łomżyn ghetto, they stayed briefly in the silken ghetto, which the Germans rapidly organized other the Old marketplace Square. It existed shortly and served only immediate needs for the mass execution of Jews as part of the action "Einsatz Reinhard", which lasted in areas captured by Germans after 22 June 1941.
At that time, she besides returned to her home in Jedwabne, a judaic female named Abram, who, according to Szmul Wasersztajn - the crown witness of John T. Gross - was to be raped and murdered by Mierzejewski, in whom she was hiding. Abram was taken by the MPs to the station where she served and helped in the kitchen.
The Germans recommended local shoemaker Konstant Laudanski, uncle Sigismund and George to repair their shoes. These shoes were referred to the station by szewski Terminator Jerzy Laudanski, whose gendarmes besides hired to clean footwear. He had to knock them to shine if he didn't want to. The refusal was not an option, hence frequent visits of the boy to the office of the Silken Gendarmerie.
And this, too, was later utilized by Ubek oppressors to coerce him with the authorities of the German state, allowing him to be charged with the alleged August decree (August 1944).
Zygmunt initially intended to usage his brother's "visit" at the police station. He was aware that the Germans, taking the papers after the NKVD fled in panic, could besides find an answer to the letter he had written to Moscow about his father and his father.
Finding this paper by the Germans meant a death conviction for him. But erstwhile cleaning gendarmes' shoes, Jerzy had virtually no way of reaching any documents, so the thought was neglected.
The collective work applied by the Germans taught caution: in order to avoid possible repression, it was decided to send Jerzy to Poręba pod Ostrów Mazowiecki, where the oldest brother, Kazimierz, lived. Sigismund had to stay with his sick father and mother; individual had to supply care and support for them. Turns out George fell from the rain into the gutter. He was caught in a street trap and spent 3 years in the Nazi caves Auschwitz-Birkenau, Gross Rosen and Oranienburg. After the war, he served 8 more of the 15 years that UB had given him.
The re-entry of Russians to Jedwabny in 1944 marked the memory of Zygmunt Laudanski. He was arrested by Krystowczyk (also Sigismund, 1 of the brothers of the Krystovians who escaped with the Red Army in June 1941 and now returned with it), and the case of the assassination of Szewielov - the chief of the NKVD from Jedwabny returned. Sigismund was besides reminded of the engagement of his relatives in the anti-Soviet guerrilla.
He knew it wasn't a joke. It could have been tragic to set things up. He began "playing" with an outdated letter to Stalin and Kalinin. But erstwhile he added that he was in "conversation" with the erstwhile warden just to capture Sheviliov's killer, it worked. He was able to get out of the Nicewicz militia station, which was wrongly accused of killing a red-armist in June 1941.
Unfortunately, Śleszyński, the owner of the barn in which the Jews were burned, failed to get out. Although Sigismund was released, he was not given long to enjoy freedom.
Soon UB went to Jedwabny. They fooled people into cars and drove them to Lomza. That's where they started beating them so bad, they signed whatever they wanted. Sielawina and Kalinowska, who could not compose or read, "signed" with crosses all the protocols that they were offered. Non-ugly, who worked in the MTS during the first russian occupation, began to beat his heels to sign that he saw Laudajski while driving and burning Jews in the barn. The peasant couldn't hold it and signed it. He couldn't walk for a long time.
Finally, it's time for Sigmund. The hearings were conducted according to a schedule: a darkened room, an investigator behind a desk and the same questions - who did he see erstwhile killing Jews?
He tried to explain honestly that he wasn't there to see anyone. Then the investigator pressed the button on the desk, extinguished the light, and from the next area there were 3 grown blobs. 1 hit was adequate to lay on the floor. They dug, where he fell: head, belly, kidneys - they did not choose. erstwhile he tried to cover his head - he got in the genitals ("the way" of the “Blood Luna” – Julia Brystygier Colonel NKWD) erstwhile he protected them - they kicked him in the head erstwhile he fainted - cucciled with water and beat again. After that, he actually said everything they wanted. However, he tried to give names of those who were out of UB scope or were dead.
First, he mentioned Karolak, the German mayor in Jedwabne - they laughed at him. He gave the names Kalinowski and Kurzenowski due to the fact that he heard that they were dead. They forced him to name Marian Zyluk, but later he was acquitted. In signing the minutes, the investigator noted that physical coercion was not applied during the hearing.
Laudarian violently protested. Investigator didn't rush. He pressed the button on his desk again, the light went out again, and 3 Ubek thugs came in. The blow to the head, the floor, the kicks to the side, the pain, the failure of consciousness. He did not want to die in the executions of judaic UB officers. He hoped that fact and justice would come before an independent court.
The justice complained on the first day of the trial. He told me how he was beaten, how he was forced to attest and what to say.
An "intelligible" court with knowing heard the defendant, then addressing Sigismund directly, the justice asked whether he had... a medical certificate confirming the injuries suffered.
No nonsubjective witness testified during the trial. That Marianna Supraska testified in the investigation that the Laudański Gestapo were moving with Jews, he learned from the publication of prof. Tomasz Strzembosz in "Rzeczpospolita" dated 31 March 2001.
In the courtroom, he was amazed to see witnesses. Henryk Krystowczyk, 1 of the 4 brothers mentioned, testified that at the time of the pogrom he had just returned from Volkovsk and hiding at his uncle's brother Wacława at Przerętowska Street, he saw through a gap in the roof, as Sigismund and his father Czesław Laudanski drove Jews "a sandy guest" to the Śleszyński barn.
In the accurate designation of the Laudanians, he was not disturbed by the 2 hundred-metre distance, nor by trees and bushes increasing in this space, which, as in July, were covered with abundant leaves.
How did he admit Czesław Laudanski, the father of Sigmund, who was lying in bed with a leg disorder at the time? It remained his secret... as well as the court that gave these bullshits faith.
The denials were useless. delicate explanations, specified as Wenceslas Krystowczyk, the uncle brother of the witness and besides the owner of the house, from which they were expected to see the Laudanians together, the court did not consider. Wacław Krystowczyk powerfully denied Henry's presence in his home, and besides ruled out the anticipation of hiding his brother there without the host's knowledge. He thus demented a lie about a joint reflection through a gap in the roof.
The judicial fiction in Łomża was the soap of the eyes of the public opinion. The conviction on Sigmund and another defendants was issued long before the trial.
The door of the prison closed for a long time, first in Ostrołęka, later in Goleniów, Opolskie Rifles and yet in Warsaw Mokotów.
He didn't lose hope. He wrote complaints and complaints. There was something to fight for, there was a wife and children waiting at home.
One of the visiting inspectors tried to catch a tried-out fort - "cooperation" from the NKWD for the "first" Soviets. He was told to describe it. This "tactical play" Sigmund is ashamed to this day.
Not only did it fail, but it proved fatal and Gross found it and made it public that the top murdering hebrew bandit worked for the NKVD. Gross did not pass specified bites: nothing prevented him from calling God the murderer of the ghost of a crippled, one-legged neighbour of Laudan, old Silawa. In his slanderous impulses, he knew no measure.
After Stalin's death, they began to perceive more carefully to Sigismund's complaints. In early 1955 he went all the way: he told the visiting inspector everything - including the death of Sheviellov and his uncle Jadwiga, who died in the fight against the russian occupier. He did not neglect to mention the suspicions he had about these facts. He besides told of a fellow prisoner, Antoni Karasiu, murdered in a cell in Mokotów. He expressed concerns about his life.
The guest told him to describe everything, informing that 1 insignificant inaccuracy in his résumé would turn his efforts for early release into nothing.
He waited 3 months to respond. He saw his wanted freedom on April 4, 1955. He got parole. Brother George went free after serving 8 years. They're starting to make a fresh life for each other. Wounds, faded memories.
They settled in Pisz, where they found work, home and peace... until Gross began the world's mud-throwing action not only of the Laudanians and residents of Jedwabny, but of all Poland and of all Poles.
And if the anti-Polish J.T. Gross "philosopher of the law" wishes to proceed to mention to Laudański or Karolak as Polish carnages murdering Polish judaic citizens by burning them in a barn, or murdering them in unexplained circumstances, sentenced by "heroate" judges and investigations of "independent prosecutors" of the kind Stefan Michnik or Helena Wolinska – judicial murderers, then let him renounce the practice of a lying profession of "philosopher of the law" of the Burdenko Commission, or MAK Tatiana Anodina.
The Whitestock Branch of the Institute of National Memory issued the Order to discontinue the investigation due to the failure to identify the perpetrators.
]] >http://www.ipn.gov.pl/ftp/pdf/jedwabne order.pdf]] >
However, Polish Presidents Kwaśniewski and Komorowski hold an yearly disgrace under the name “an apology of Jews for Jedwabne” accompanied by 3 rabbis and a typical of the Polish Episcopal Conference.
In this context, the visit of an envoy of Putin to GRU Cyril I made in Warsaw as a fulfilled invitation of the Polish Episcopal Conference in the individual of Archbishop Józef Michalik in the symbol of the Soviet-Polish "sign of reconciliation".
Aleksander Szumański independent journalist
Literature, sources:
HOSPITAL OF MULTIPOLISH
editor-in-chief
monthly
"Messages of Sands"
Wiesław Wielopolski, Weekly Voice NR 27 (884) July 7, 2001 for News Piskie, 2001-07-07











