Henry Kissinger: The planet Restored

What determines national policies? Why do they choose specified a course alternatively than another? What function does geographical location play, and what personality of leaders? What influence does its interior structure, historical experience, prevailing beliefs, ideology have on the state's abroad policy? Answers to these and another questions are sought by 1 of the most prominent theorists and practitioners of 20th century politics in the book, which – written at the threshold of his career – is inactive an invaluable lesson in political thinking, diplomatic tactics and state strategy.

Universitas publications thank you for sharing a passage for publication. We encourage you to read the full book.

Jan Sadkiewicz

Introduction. In a policy lab

“[History] pretends to talk about something different each time,” wrote Arthur Schopenhauer, while he repeats the same over and over again. The general motto of past should be: eadem, sed alliter [1]. What for the individual of reason, what for the human race is history. [Man] (...) It is only by this that he understands the present itself and can even draw conclusions for the future” [2].

The thought of the German philosopher was alien to many political writers; the belief of the utilitarian aspect of the analysis of the past can even be considered to be 1 of the fundamental features that find the ideological relation of political realists from various countries and epochs. Leading representatives of this trend in learning about global relations, Hans J. Morgenthau and Kenneth N. Waltz, considered the historical context to be an essential test of the correctness of political theories. “History is simply a “policy laboratory” and a statesman who knows nothing about past is “a doctor who has never been in a hospital”, said Jacques Bainville [3], followed by his Polish students: “(...) in order to read the code of fate, the code of the future, you gotta have an knowing of the historical currents, you gotta realize where accidents come from and where they flow, you should be steeped in cognition of history,” wrote Stanisław Mackiewicz [4]; “the ability to abstract”, that is, “to separate certain factors and connect them with 1 another” for “inquiring to claims of general nature” as the basic way of expanding political cognition and “use of historical experiences for the present”, said Adolf Bocheński [5].

In fact, Edward Hallett Carr suggested that it is in view of the present that the historian's work makes sense: “[His] function..., wrote the British, is neither to love the past nor to emancipate from it, but to control it and realize it—which in turn is the key to knowing the present” [6]. It is not a coincidence – let us conclude with Peter Kimla's words – “that politicians-practices who founded the tradition of political realism, both in ancient times and in modern times, have diligently studied past and practiced decapitation. In order to meet the basic methodological request of realists, that is to say, in political thinking, it is essential to know the past. (...) Empire and past stay the basis of liable political thinking" [7].

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Henry Kissinger sat with a akin attitude to work on the survey of the turn of the Napoleonic and Postnapoleon era. His works saw the influence of realism and thinkers specified as Morgenthau and George Kennan [8]. The choice of the subject substance was dictated by the conviction of the analogy of the period with the reality of the mid-20th century [9], the similarities between the then and contemporary states and even politicians [10]. Kissinger felt that the invention of atomic weapons did not mean a fundamental change in global relations, and the analysis of the origins and consequences of the Vienna legislature would let him to better realize the problems of the planet order created after the Second planet War and better prepare to resolve them [11]. He was naturally aware that past does not repeat itself exactly; however, he stressed that the issues of different periods, the methods of coping with them and the motivations of protagonists could be sufficiently akin to that of allowing instructive conclusions [12]. "History teaches by analogy – he wrote – not identification".

Kissinger's primary subject of reflection was the issue of peace – its establishment and maintenance – which led him to search answers to many another timeless questions:

What determines national policies? Why do they choose specified a course alternatively than another? What function does geographical location play, and what personality of leaders? What influence does its interior structure, historical experience, prevailing beliefs, ideology have on the state's abroad policy? How can countries be persuaded to submit to a common policy despite differences between them? How does the balance of power shape, and what determines the nature of the global order? Kissinger was besides curious in the quality of political leadership: how people think and act about national policies.

He completed his work in early 1954 and obtained his doctoral degree on the basis of it in May that year [13]. It was published 3 years later in Boston on a wave of interest that the author brought to the book published that same year Nuclear Weapons and abroad Policy (New York 1957), where the impact of the observations in the doctoral dissertation [14] was visible. AWorld Restored... mostly affirmative [15]; the author's knowledge, freshness of approach, insight into analysis, clearness of points and complexity of conclusions [16] were appreciated. At the same time, he was besides fascinated with the character Metternich [17]; not everyone liked the general considerations that interrupted the communicative concerning events from 1812 to 1822 [18].

However, the book's actual career began only in the late 1960s and 1970s, and World Restored... became the subject of intensive studies in diplomatic institutions worldwide. erstwhile it became clear that the author was an architect of American abroad policy in the administration of president Richard Nixon [19], it was besides realised that behind the communicative of Metternich, Castlereaghu and the Vienna legislature there is simply a lecture on key points of political thought by Henry Kissinger [20] that work gives insight into who he is and what his author believes [21]. It is uncommon for a technological work to have specified a translation into political practice, as is the uncommon case of Kissinger himself – a student who can boast a successful political career.

However, this is not what determines the value The planet restored..., or alternatively the fact that the author has succeeded in fulfilling the fundamental request of political realists towards the communicative – tell about events of a peculiar era in a way that can let us to better realize others, including our own. In this respect, the book has timeless value.

Kissinger teaches that politics cannot be pursued in isolation from strength, but besides that power in politics is not everything. It shows the importance of the sense of rightfulness, justice, and justice in global relations, but besides warns against the dangers of trying to accomplish absolute values in this sphere.

He is aware of the force exerted by power in politics, explaining at the same time what diplomacy means as the art of limiting the usage of force. It points to the request to identify the finiteness of its own causative powers, the request to average politics and to “accept the existence of partners-competitions with their right to have their own interests, sometimes intersecting with our own interests” [22]. He describes the material and intangible constraints that political leaders face, but besides puts on their shoulders the work they cannot avoid. It shows what dilemmas a statesman must settle, the compromises he must make, the importance of choices between combat and negotiation, opposition or submission. Finally, he is aware of the tragedy of politics and the price to be paid for his decisions to both leaders and nations.

In Poland Kissinger, but valued for later works [23], is given – like another Anglo-Saxon classical realism – as a dangerous thinker, a region of influence supporter (as if they were not a function of the arrangement of forces, but simply a way of reasoning about global politics), a advocate of the sinister performance of powers (as if the war of powers for dominance was always a better alternative). 1 of those who, looking at the planet from the position of the strong, underestimate the weak, do not realize not only their interests, but even their own, which they request to be made aware of and explained.

It's not in this case.

Kissinger's approach contradicts any established schemes of Polish reasoning about global politics.

The Manichean imagination of relations between countries is hard to reconcile with the designation of the advantages of balance of power, messianism with moderateness, absolutisation of one's own reasons by granting competitors the right to have others, inability to compromise with the ability to negotiate. For Kissinger, who is reminiscent of the terrible experiences of the first half of the 20th century, stableness and order are moral values that can sometimes take precedence over what a sense of justice would prescribe [24]. In Poland, historical experiences service not only to draw conclusions, but to perpetuate national myths. Polish political imagination inactive prevails pereat mundus, fiat iustitia [25], with iostitia It is very easy identified with a narrow and shortsighted, and sometimes even absurdly defined self-interest.

With this greater satisfaction, the Polish reader can be given the work, which, despite the passing of years, is inactive a valuable lesson in political thinking, diplomatic tactics and state strategy. This is simply a valuable introduction to the complicated and fascinating planet of global politics and another guide to seeking its own place.

Henry Kissinger, planet restored. Metternich, Castlereagh and the issue of peace 1812–1822, Universitas, 2022

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Footnotes:

[1] The same thing, though.

[2] The president The planet as will andpresentation, Vol. II, punctuation, introduction and comment. J. Garewicz, Warsaw 2009, pp. 628–630.

[3] G. Kucharczyk, Germany andState's right. Jacques Bainville's Political thought (1879–1936), Warsaw 2005, p. 115.

[4] S. Cat-Mackiewicz, A book of my disappointments, Kraków 2018, p. 149.

[5] A. Bochenski, Political meditations, “The Young Rebellion” of 10 March 1936.

[6] E.H. Carr, History – what it is. He'll lecture them. George Macaulay Trevelyan delivered at the university inCambridge January–March 1961, ed. 2, by R.W. Davies, by P. Kuś, Poznań 1999, p. 37.

[7] P. Kimla, Political historians as a origin of political realism. Tukidides, Polibius, Machiavelli, Kraków 2009, pp. 9–10.

[8] R. Schulzinger, Henry Kissinger. Doctor of Diplomacy, fresh York 1989, p. 11.

[9] S. Graubard, Kissinger. image of mind, fresh York 1973, p. 10.

[10] W. Isaacson, Kissinger. Abiography, fresh York 1992, p. 75; Q. Wright, AWorld Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822 by Henry A. Kissinger, "The American Historical Review", Vol. 63, No. 4 (July 1958), pp. 953–954.

[11] S. Graubard, Kissinger. image of mind, pp. 9, 14, 16. The time distance of the selected era and its deficiency of interest were intended to enable it to analyse calmly, free from pressures of people whose reputation could depend on maintaining specified or another views (i.e., p. 12).

[12] Q. Wright, AWorld Restored..., pp. 953; M. Ahsan, Metternich, Conservative Europhilia and Contemporary Europe: any absences from AWorld Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822 by Henry Kissinger, ‘Journal of European Studies’ 2017, No 33/2, p. 110.

[13] W. Isaacson, Kissinger. Abiography, pp. 77.

[14] S. Graubard, Kissinger. image of mind, pp. 13; P. Windsor, Henry Kissinger’s Scholarly Contribution, ‘British diary of global Studies’, Vol. 1, No. 1 (April 1975), p. 27. In the late 1950s and 1960s Kissinger published 2 more crucial books: The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American abroad Policy (New York 1961) and The Troubled Partnership: ARe-appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance (New York 1965).

[15] 1 critic called it even in 1974 the best in many respects of all Kissinger's works: A. Buchan, The Irony of Henry Kissinger, ‘International Affairs’, Vol. 50, No. 3 (July 1974), p. 369.

[16] A.J. Maxwell, AWorld Restored by Henry A. Kissinger, ‘Sage Publications’, Vol. 120, No. 4 (winter 1957), pp. 123–125; Q. Wright, AWorld Restored..., p. 954; S. Graubard, Kissinger. image of mind, pp. 21.

[17] C.K. Webster, AWorld Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822 by H. Kissinger, "The English Historical Review", Vol. 73, No. 286 (January 1958), p. 167.

[18] D. Dakin, ‘AWorld Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822^“ by Henry A. Kissinger, past 1960, Vol. 45, No. 153, p. 63.

[19] The president The Irony of Henry Kissinger, pp. 369.

[20] P. Windsor, Henry Kissinger’s Scholarly Contribution, pp. 28, 34.

[21] W. Isaacson, Kissinger. Abiography, p. 76.

[22] P. Kimla, Publishing Review of the Planned Publication of Henry Kissinger's Polish Book "AWorld Restored Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812–1822’, October 20, 2021, Archived TAiWPN Universitas.

[23] M.in. DiplomacyS. Głąbiński, G. Wozniak, I. Zych, Warsaw 1996; OChinaThu. M. Komorowska, Wołowiec 2014; World OrderM. Antosiewicz, Volowiec 2016.

[24] The president Henry Kissinger’s Scholarly Contribution, pp. 34.

[25] Wow. May the planet perish as long as justice is done.