This text analyses the problem of the presence of Islam in Europe in a political and more metapolitical perspective, focusing on the tension between the universalism of liberal standards and the sustainability of cultural differences. The starting point is that conflicts interpreted in public discourse as spiritual conflicts have a deeper structural character and arise from different models of legitimacy of social order.
Analysis includes ethnoplurism developed by Alaina de Benoist, compiled with explanation of normative pluralism represented by John Rawlsa and Jürgen Habermas. In my work I besides included investigation on spiritual radicalization conducted by Olivier Roy, Gilles Kepel and Peter Neumann. The text covers terrorist attacks in Paris, Brussels and Berlin, analysed as forms of strategical communication affecting the perception of threats in European societies. The further part of the discussion is devoted to the analysis of the political discourse alternate für Deutschland (AfD), interpreted as part of the wider transformation of European organization systems. The conclusions show that the problem of Islam in Europe cannot be reduced to safety or to religion, but should be analysed as a complex process of the normative transformation of modern societies.
Religion and political order in the European tradition
The relation between religion and political order is 1 of the most enduring issues of European reflection. From dispute over investment, through reformation to modern constitutional state models – religion functioned as an crucial origin legitimizing power, organizing a symbolic order of the community and defining the normative boundaries of social governance. European modernity has not led to the simple disappearance of religion, but alternatively to the transformation of its function. The process of secularization meant organization separation of the Church from the state, but it did not mean a complete withdrawal of religion from the public space.
Classical analyses of sociology of religion indicate that secularization leads to pluralization of spiritual forms alternatively than to their disappearance. religion ceases to be a monopoly of 1 institution and becomes part of a competitive worldview market. In Western Europe, this process has led to the creation of a world-view neutral state model which, however, retains the historical structures of cooperation with spiritual organisations.
The debate on Islam in Europe is among the most ideologicalised areas of contemporary public discourse. It is characterized by a advanced level of strength and low level of analytical precision. Dominating narratives operate with simplified categories that do not let to capture the actual structure of the phenomenon.
On the 1 hand, there is simply a liberal paradigm that reduces Islam to the sphere of private religion and interprets integration problems as temporary adaptation difficulties. On the another hand, there is simply a political narrative, especially present in right-wing environments, which treats Islam as a uniform threat to civilization. Both approaches are insufficient due to the fact that they do not take into account the fact that Islam is not just a belief strategy but a form of collective life organization.
In this context, the reflection of Alain de Benoist, which proposes an ontological analysis alternatively than an ideological one, is peculiarly important. His approach allows to capture tension not as a conflict of opinion, but as a conflict of normative structures.In literature, the key dispute concerns the explanation of radicalization. Olivier Roy points to the "Islamization of radicalism", while Gilles Kepel speaks of "radicalization of Islam".
The Alain de Benoist acquis is peculiarly important, which analyses the problem of cultural difference in the long word of civilization structures. In its view, modern liberal universalism represents 1 of the historical forms of society's organization, but does not have a definitive or universally binding character. At work Beyond Human Rights de Benoist points out that the concept of human rights derives from a peculiar philosophical and historical tradition whose genesis is linked to Christianity and Enlightenment, and its universalization leads to tensions in relations between civilizations. The author writes that the ideology of human rights functions as "secularized form of Christian eschatology", which means that it retains the structure of moral universalism characteristic of monotheistic religions while rejecting their theological basis.
De Benoist formulates the concept of ethnoplurism, which assumes the sustainability of cultural differences as a structural component of history. Contrary to public interpretations, this concept does not mean that culture is isolated, but that it is critical that modernisation leads to homogenisation of values.
Here comes the tension between the de Benoist position and the explanation of political liberalism by John Rawls, which assumes the anticipation of developing a normative consensus between various world-view doctrines. Rawls points out that the stableness of liberal society depends on the ability of its citizens to recognise common principles of justice, despite spiritual differences. However, Rawls assumes at the same time the existence of a common political culture that allows specified a consensus to function.
Jürgen Habermas develops this concept in the explanation of communication action, indicating that the legitimacy of social standards is achieved through a discriminating process. However, the efficiency of this model is conditional on the acceptance of procedural communication rules specified as the separation of religion and state and individual autonomy. The problem arises erstwhile any participants in social life reject these assumptions as contrary to their spiritual system.
The terrorist attacks in Paris, Brussels and Berlin should be analysed as a form of strategical communication aimed at creating a intellectual effect beyond the direct effects of violence. Marc Sageman points out that terrorism functions as a form of performative force that affects safety perception and public debate.
Analysis of the political discourse alternate für Deutschland indicates that Islam's problem has been included in a wider communicative on cultural identity and national sovereignty. AfD refers to the concept Leitcul, which assumes the existence of a dominant cultural pattern underpinning social integration.
The literature indicates that the increase in the importance of the parties referred to as populist is linked to the crisis of political representation under conditions of globalisation. The transformation of the social structure leads to the emergence of fresh political divisions which do not coincide with the conventional division into left and right.
Shmuel Eisenstadt points out that modernisation does not lead to a uniform model of society, but to the emergence of many forms of modernity that preserve elements of cultural traditions. In this context, the presence of Islam in Europe is not an exception, but an component of a wider pluralisation process.
The debate on Islam thus reveals the tension between the various models of society's organization: liberal universalism, cultural pluralism and communism. no of these models are definitive, and their coexistence is simply a feature of modern democracy.
Christianity, Judaism, and Islam
Christianity, especially in its western form, has undergone the process of gradual secularization. As early as the mediate Ages, there was a discrimination between the spiritual sphere and the secular sphere, which in modern times led to the creation of a secular state. religion was reduced to the individual sphere, and legal norms began to function independently of theology.
Judaism represents a different model in which the spiritual and community identity remains powerfully linked, but the deficiency of a universalist political task limits its expansion. Judaism retains a normative structure, but does not search to globalize it.
Islam Instead, it preserves the unity of religion and politics. It has not developed a lasting discrimination between spiritual and secular law, meaning it functions as a holistic system. This feature is key to knowing the tensions in Europe.
The problem of Islam's presence in Europe is 1 of the most complex topics of modern politics, as it besides concerns the issues of religion, security, migration, collective identity and the normative structure of the Liberal state. Reducing this issue to a single analytical dimension leads to simplifications that hinder knowing of the real mechanisms in European societies. The literature of the subject shows an expanding tendency to interpret disputes about Islam as an component of a wider transformation of modernity, in which processes of globalisation, migration and pluralization of value systems lead to a redefining of the category of politicalism.
The analysis of Islam in Europe so requires taking account of the difference between Islam as religion and Islam as a political ideology. Olivier Roy points out that modern radicalisation is not solely due to conventional spiritual structures, but is the product of an identity crisis in a globalized environment. Roy argues that many extremist Islamists have limited theological knowledge, and their radicalization is generic and stems from a sense of social marginalization.
From a safety perspective, the Liberal State faces the request to reconcile civilian rights protection with combating radicalisation. Didier Bigo points out that the extension of the competence of the safety apparatus leads to the emergence of fresh forms of social control that may affect relations between the State and citizens.
From a metapolitical point of view, the dispute over Islam is part of a long-term transformation of the European identity in which relations between religion, state and culture are redefined. The fundamental mistake of European debate is to treat Islam as the equivalent of Christianity. Meanwhile, Islam functions as a strategy that includes religion, law, social organization. Alain de Benoist points out: "Islam does not separate between the spiritual and the political in the same way as the modern West" (“Islam does not separate between spiritual and political, as the modern West does”). This discrimination is fundamental. It means that Islam cannot be full integrated into the liberal model without deep transformation.
The modern European state is based on 3 principles of the secularity of the law, the superiority of the constitution, the autonomy of the individual. Islam assumes the superiority of spiritual standards. The conflict so concerns not individual practices but sources of normativity. This leads to a situation where integration becomes an asymmetrical process: 1 of the parties must adapt. From the de Benoist perspective, this problem does not have a simple solution, as it results from a deep ontological difference. Islam is simply a spiritual strategy in which theological, legal and social standards stay linked. Concept ummy means a community of believers based on designation of revelation as a origin of standards. Szariat is simply a strategy of explanation of revelation, which has historically developed within different schools of law. The diversity of interpretations indicates that Islam is not a homogeneous structure. The modern debate on Islam frequently simplifies its structure, presenting it as a unified normative system. However, empirical investigation indicates a crucial variety of spiritual practices. Olivier Roy notes: "Many radicals have only a superficial cognition of Islam" ("Many radicals have only superficial cognition of Islam"). This indicates that radicalization cannot be explained solely by mention to spiritual doctrine.
Concept umma and its political importance
Category umma is 1 of the fundamental concepts of classical political explanation of Islam and refers to a community of faithful understood as a structure beyond ethnic, linguistic and territorial divisions. Umma It is not only a spiritual category, but it besides has a normative and political dimension due to the fact that it defines a framework for social solidarity and the moral obligations of the individual towards the community. In the classical muslim doctrine, belonging to ummy set out the basic form of collective recognition that preceded the modern notion of the nation.
Bernard Lewis indicates that the concept ummy was historically an alternate to the European concept of a national state due to the fact that it organized a community around a spiritual category alternatively than an cultural one. Lewis emphasizes that the classical muslim empires functioned as multiethnic structures in which religion was a fundamental criterion of political integration. In modern conditions, the concept ummy was reinterpreted. The emergence of national states in the muslim planet has led to a tension between spiritual solidarity and loyalty to the state. Literature indicates that contemporary muslim movements mention to ideas ummy as an alternate to the strategy of national states, which is seen as a product of colonialism.
Olivier Roy points out that globalisation has led to a fresh form ummy of a transnational nature which functions in the net communication space. The spiritual community is no longer connected with a peculiar territory, but with a network of symbolic relationships. From a political perspective, the problem is that the concept ummy may come under force with the rule of national sovereignty, which has been the foundation of the global strategy since the peace of Westphalia.
Cultural Islam and Political Islam
In the analysis of Islam in Europe, the discrimination between cultural Islam and political Islam is crucial. Cultural Islam refers to spiritual practices and social traditions operating within a pluralistic society. Political Islam, on the another hand, includes ideological projects seeking to transform the state structure in accordance with a circumstantial explanation of spiritual standards.
Bassam Tibi points out that political Islam is simply a modern ideology that uses religion as a tool for political mobilisation. Tibi emphasizes that Islamism is not a simple continuation of spiritual tradition, but a reaction to the processes of modernisation and globalisation. Studies on radicalisation show that this process is multi-factorial and cannot be reduced to 1 determinant. Olivier Roy points out that many European jihadists have biographies indicating an identity crisis and experience of social marginalization. Roy describes the phenomenon of Islamization of radicalism, indicating that religion is frequently a language that legitimizes earlier rebellious attitudes. jihadistic ideology uses selected elements of the muslim tradition, reinterpreting them in the context of contemporary political conflicts. Concept jihad has various meanings in classical theology, covering both spiritual effort and armed struggle.
The jihadistic discourse reduces the meaning of the concept jihad to the military dimension. This explanation is an example of a selective reception of spiritual tradition. Bernard Lewis points out that extremist interpretations of Islam are historically conditioned: extremism is not a dominant form of explanation of Islam in history.
Gilles Kepel points to the function of Salafic ideology, which promotes literal explanation of spiritual texts and rejects normative pluralism. Kepel argues that Salafic movements carry out educational and social activities aimed at the gradual transformation of cultural standards. Peter Neumann analyses radicalisation as a network process in which interpersonal relations and the digital environment play a crucial role. The net enables the creation of interpretative communities crossing national borders.
Terrorism as a Communication Strategy
Terrorism is simply a form of symbolic force aimed at influencing social perception. The attacks in Paris, Brussels and Berlin were not only military but besides communication. Marc Sageman points out that terrorist organizations function as decentralised networks in which ideological inspiration replaces conventional hierarchical structures.
The analysis of cases indicates that the perpetrators of the assassinations frequently had experience of social and criminal marginalization, which confirms the thesis of a multi-actual nature of radicalization.
Didier Bigo points out that the state's consequence to terrorism leads to an extension of the safety apparatus, which affects relations between the state and citizens. safety policy becomes part of the debate on the borders of civilian liberties.
Islam, Secularisation and the Constitutional State
The relation between Islam and a modern constitutional state is 1 of the most debated problems of modern political explanation and sociology of religion. Unlike Western Christianity, which has undergone a centuries-old organization process of separation between secular and spiritual power, Islam has historically developed as a normative strategy covering both the spiritual and legal spheres. In the Classical muslim Doctrine, the concept dīn means at the same time religion, social order and the structure of standards governing the life of the community.
Wael Hallaq points out that Sharia functioned as a comprehensive social regulation strategy which did not have an equivalent in modern affirmative law systems. Hallaq argues that the transformation of the muslim planet in the 19th and 20th centuries led to hybrid legal structures in which elements of conventional spiritual law coexist with institutions of the national state.
From the position of secularization theory, the problem is that the European model of world-view neutrality of the state was not created as a consequence of a neutral rationalisation process, but as a consequence of historical spiritual conflicts. The President points out that secularisation in Europe was a quota process alternatively than a universal social improvement right. Consequently, the presumption that all religions will undergo a akin transformation process does not find clear empirical confirmation.
Talal Asad emphasises that the concept of religion as a private sphere constitutes a circumstantial cultural structure of the modern West. In many spiritual traditions, the boundary between the public and private sphere is of a different nature, leading to explanation conflicts in the context of a liberal state.
The problem of integration of Islam in Europe so concerns not only spiritual practices but besides questions about the scope of the autonomy of spiritual communities within the constitutional system. The debate on the muslim scarf, household law or spiritual education reveals the tension between the rule of spiritual freedom and the rule of state neutrality.
Charles Taylor points out that modern societies operate under conditions of moral pluralism in which the state must balance competing normative claims. Taylor emphasises that state neutrality does not mean deficiency of value, but the request for procedural reconciliation of social standards.
Salafism in Germany as a safety policy challenge
The analysis of salafism in Germany is an crucial part of investigation into spiritual radicalisation in Europe. Salafism represents the theological trend that calls for a return to the practices of the first generations of Muslims, referred to as salaf. In the literature of the subject, it is emphasized that salafism is not a homogeneous phenomenon and covers both the Aprilist and activist currents.
Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz points out that the number of people identified with the Salafic ideology has increased in Germany in fresh years, although most of them do not engage in terrorist activities. The problem, however, is that Salafic environments can be an area of ideological socialization in which liberal standards are delegated. Guido Steinberg points out that the process of radicalisation is gradual and involves a change in the explanation of social reality. Steinberg emphasizes that jihadist propaganda operates with moral categories, presenting political conflicts as a fight against good and evil. Studies show that radicalization frequently occurs in youth environments in which religion has an identity function. This process can be reinforced by the experience of discrimination or social marginalisation.
Further research, this time on radicalisation, shows that this process frequently takes place in tiny groups of society, where there is common strengthening of ideological beliefs. Marc Sageman points out that radicalization is related due to the fact that it is based on interactions between individuals.
In many cases, religion is secondary to the request to belong to the community. The process of radicalisation can be interpreted as a form of search for existential sense in conditions of social uncertainty.
Olivier Roy points out that many European jihadists have biographies indicating erstwhile experiences of crime or social marginalization. religion in these cases becomes a tool for reinterpreting the biography of an individual.
Digital media and transnational radicalisation networks
The improvement of digital media led to the creation of fresh forms of ideological communication that cross national borders. jihadist organizations usage the net as a tool of recruitment and propaganda, creating narratives referring to a sense of spiritual community.
The muslim State utilized social media to make a visual and symbolic message that aimed to attract fresh supporters. Analysis of propaganda materials indicates the usage of aesthetics known from popular culture, which increased the attractiveness of the message for younger audiences.
Charlie Winter points out that ISIS propaganda is based on a communicative strategy that combines spiritual elements with political narrative. Winter emphasizes that the propaganda message constructs a imagination of a heroic community in which the individual can find existential sense. The net allows the creation of interpretative communities independent of local spiritual structures, which changes the dynamics of radicalisation.
Constitutional State towards Islam: structural tensions in the legal order of Germany
Analysis of the relation between Islam and the German constitutional state requires precise mention to the category Verfassungsstaatwhose core is Grundgesetz. Articles on spiritual freedom (Article 4 of the GG) and the rule of the world-view neutrality of the state (GG – Grundgesetz – national Basic Law).
The problem arises erstwhile religion is not limited to the private sphere but claims to regulate social order. In specified a case, tensions no longer concern freedom of religion, but the scope of the normative legal system. The German constitutional doctrine assumes that spiritual freedom is broad but not absolute — subject to restrictions resulting from the so-called. verfassungsm. It is at this point that the problem of explanation arises: can elements of muslim law (Sharia) function within the constitutional order, or are they a competitive system?
Alain de Benoist does not analyse this problem in terms of jurisdiction, but alternatively structural. His position can be reconstructed as follows: the conflict is not due to the "abuse of religion", but to different normative ontologies. The Liberal constitutional state assumes a separation between law and religion, whereas in the classical muslim tradition specified a chapter does not exist. In this sense, the problem is not whether Islam "respects the constitution", but that it operates another normative logic that cannot be full translated into the language of affirmative law.
Alternative für Deutschland participates in the debate on the relation between Islam and European identity. The organization program contains references to the problem of integration and the relation between religion and constitutional order. Political analyses indicate that the discourse on Islam acts as a mobilisation in the context of political competition. Werner J. Patzelt emphasises that "political parties usage identity themes to mobilise electorate". At the same time, researchers point to the hazard of simplification in public debate, as Islam as a religion covers a broad spectrum of interpretation.
The relation between metapolitical explanation and political practice is complex and cannot be reduced to simple causal relationships. The position of alternate für Deutschland towards Islam should be understood as an effort to shift the explanation of the Constitution towards a more restrictive direction. In this sense, the organization not so much rejects the constitutional order as it seeks to reinterpret it.
The central function here is the expression of characters like Alexander Gauland is Beatrix von Storch, which include Islam in the category of “political ideology” alternatively than religion. This redefining has far-reaching consequences: if Islam is simply a religion, it is subject to constitutional protection; if Islam is an ideology, it can be limited, like any political doctrine. Von Storch makes this unambiguously: "Der Islam ist nicht nur eine Religion, proben auch eine polytische Ideologie" (“Islam is not only religion, it is besides political ideology”).
Alain de Benoist would address this critically, indicating that specified an operation simplifies reality and leads to a category simplification error. Islam is at the same time a religion, a strategy of standards and a form of social life, whose simplification to 1 dimension prevents adequate analysis. De Benoist does not interpret this as evidence of "the incompatibility of Islam with Europe", but as a problem requiring precise recognition of the categories in which the European debate operates.
The interior diversity of Islam and the structure of political conflicts
One of the most overlooked aspects of the debate on Islam in Europe is its interior doctrinal, legal and cultural diversity. Islam is not a uniform theological system, but includes many interpretive schools, which were created in different historical and political contexts. The division into Sunism and Shiashism is not only spiritual but besides geopolitical, as it affects the dynamics of conflicts in the mediate East region and the policies of states specified as Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Heinz Halm points out that Sunnicko-Sziitsky division derives from the conflict of succession after Muhammad's death, but has over time evolved into separate theological and legal traditions. Sunism developed 4 major spiritual law schools (madhhab) which let for an interpretative diversity, while the Shiashism developed a spiritual authority structure based on the concept of an imamat.
From the point of view of politics and sociology, it is crucial that modern muslim movements primarily mention to Sunni interpretations, especially in their Salafic version. Salafism rejects interpretative pluralism, calling for a return to the first Muslim community. Quintan Viktorovich points out that salafism has a structure of social movement that uses strategies for mobilization characteristic of modern political organisations.
The literature points out that doctrinal differences are applicable to the integration process, as the peculiar trends of Islam have different approaches to the issue of religion-state relations. Theological traditions developed in the Ottoman Empire disagree from the Wahhabic tradition developed in Saudi Arabia, which affects the way spiritual standards are interpreted in the European diaspora.
Islam imported in 2015
Migration to Germany in 2015 is 1 of the most crucial political developments in modern Europe, the consequences of which go beyond the immediate humanitarian context and cover fundamental issues of state theory, social integration and the sustainability of the constitutional consensus. The dynamics of migration processes led to an intensification of the debate on the relation between the universalistic language of human rights and historically shaped forms of political solidarity, which traditionally provided the basis for the functioning of the national state.
According to Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, the number of asylum seekers in Germany in 2015 exceeded 890 000, the largest increase in migration since the national republic was established. Experiential analyses indicate that the integration of migrants is multi-dimensional and includes simultaneous economic, linguistic and normative adaptation processes. The Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung studies show that structural integration is closely linked to the level of education and participation in the labour market, with peculiar importance being given access to the education strategy and the institution of the welfare state.
In German literature The Secretary-General emphasises that migration is simply a permanent part of Europe's past and that its intensification in the 21st century is linked to the processes of economical globalisation and the transformation of labour markets. Bade points out that social integration is not linear, but involves phases of tension and renegotiation of cultural standards, a phenomenon typical of pluralist societies.
The concept of post-migration society developed by Naika Foroutana points out that migration ceases to be an exceptional phenomenon and becomes a structural component of modern European societies. Foroutan stresses that the explanation conflicts on identity are a average component of pluralist democracy, resulting from the simultaneous functioning of different cultural models within a single organization system.
In a metapolitical context, Alain de Benoist interprets globalisation as a process leading to cultural homogenization and erosion of historical forms of collective identification. In its view, the stableness of political communities depends on the preservation of civilizational pluralism and the maintenance of symbolic boundaries allowing the reproduction of social standards. The concept of ethnoplurism assumes the anticipation of coexistence of different cultural traditions while preserving their autonomy, which is interpreted as an alternate to universalist integration models.
The public debate in Germany after 2015 was powerfully shaped by Pegida's activities, whose mobilisation was based on a perception of a symbolic threat to the cultural continuity of Europe. Sociological analyses indicate that the participants of the demonstration Pegida represented diverse social environments, with criticism of political elites and mainstream media being a common element.
Concept Leitcul returned to the debate as an effort to specify a minimum normative consensus enabling a pluralist society to function. This concept refers to fundamental constitutional principles specified as equality before the law, spiritual freedom and the rule of parliamentary democracy. Political literature emphasises that each political community is based on a certain level of common values that enable public institutions to function.
The dispute over multiculturalism is 1 of the central elements of modern integration theory. Multiculturalism assumes the anticipation of coexistence of different cultural traditions within a single constitutional order, but its critics point to the hazard of fragmentation of the normative society. Herfried Münkler points out that the stableness of European countries depends on the ability to keep a balance between pluralism and organization cohesion.
A key component of the German integration debate was the publication Thilo Sarrazina (formerly a SPD member) who argued that the integration policy of the RFN did not take adequate account of cultural differences affecting the process of social adaptation. However, critics of Sarrazina indicate that its analysis was based on controversial interpretations of statistical data and methodological simplifications. alternate integration concept develops explanation Verfassungspatriotismus (Constitutional patriotism) related to Jürgen Habermas' thought that the basis of political solidarity is to identify with constitutional principles alternatively than cultural homogeneity. Habermas argues that "A democratic state can keep stableness under cultural pluralism, provided there is simply a common consensus on the regulation of law".
In its political discourse, alternate für Deutschland underlines the importance of the constitutional superiority over spiritual standards as a condition for the stableness of the regulation of law. However, political analysis indicates that conflicts between spiritual standards and the secular legal strategy are part of a wider problem of relations between private and public spheres in pluralistic societies. Studies indicate that most Muslims surviving in Germany accept the basic principles of constitutional order, although at the same time maintaining a advanced level of spiritual recognition in the private sphere. Normative conflicts happen primarily in areas of household law, education and spiritual symbols in public space, indicating the request for further investigation into the relation between secularisation and spiritual pluralism.
The 2015 events uncover the structural tension between universalistic human rights language and historically shaped forms of political solidarity. The explanation conflicts concerning migration, Islam and European identity are part of the transformation of modern societies in a globalised environment. From a metapolitical perspective, the 2015 event can be interpreted as a minute of intensifying the dispute over the limits of universalism and the function of cultural traditions in the structure of modern societies. The integration of migrants does not mean the elimination of cultural differences, but their functioning within common constitutional institutions. The stableness of democratic systems depends on the ability to keep a balance between spiritual pluralism and the regulatory consistency of the legal order.
2015 / 2016. Paris– Brussels – Berlin – Islam
On November 13, 2015, a coordinated series of terrorist attacks took place in Paris. The attacks included the Bataclan performance Hall, restaurants and Stade de France Stadium. The perpetrators were linked to the structures of the muslim State. The attacks were coordinated and included actions of many operating cells. Analysis of the offender's biography indicates that many of them were European citizens. The process of radicalisation was conducted in urban environments, frequently in the context of social marginalisation. Peter Neumann points out: "The process of radicalisation frequently takes place in stages and involves a change in social networks".
On March 22, 2016, bombings were carried out in Brussels at Zaventem Airport and the subway. The network liable for the bombings was linked to groups previously operating in Paris. Studies indicate that terrorist structures function on the basis of individual relations alternatively than just formal structures.
W Germany was peculiarly crucial for the 2016 Berlin Christmas Fair bombing. The unsub, Anis Amri, had migration experience covering respective European countries. This case points to the importance of global safety cooperation. Marc Sageman indicates that "modern terrorist networks are decentralised".
Integration models in Europe: France, Germany, United Kingdom
Comparison of integration models in Europe indicates different policies for spiritual minorities. The French Republican model is based on the rule of laickness (laïcité), which assumes a strict separation of religion and state. religion is treated as a private substance and spiritual manifestations in public space are restricted. Olivier Roy indicates that French model leads to a paradox that the ban on spiritual symbols in public space can strengthen the sense of marginalisation among any Muslims.
German model It is based on the cooperation of the state with spiritual organisations under the public law system. Religions have the position of a corp governed by public law, which allows cooperation in the field of spiritual education or social activity. The problem, however, is that Islam does not have a unified organizational structure analogous to the Christian Churches.
UK model represents the form of organization pluralism in which the State allows a crucial autonomy of spiritual communities. Tariq Modood points out that the British model is based on designation of multiculturalism as an component of state identity.
Comparison of these models shows that there is no single universal solution to integration and that the effectiveness of public policies depends on the historical context and social structure. The problem of Islam in Europe is part of a wider debate on the future of the national state. Globalisation has led to increased mobility of people, capital and ideas, which has weakened conventional social integration mechanisms.
Rogers Brubaker indicates that "collective identity is simply a social construct that changes depending on the historical context. Identity conflicts are frequently symbolic due to the fact that they concern definitionsbelonging’. The debate on Islam reveals the tension between a model of citizenship based on universal rights of the individual and a Community model in which cultural heritage is important.
Ethnopluralism de Benoist and its possible in modern Europe
"The beginning of a fast-food restaurant poses a bigger threat to our identity than the construction of a mosque"– he wroteAlain de Benoist. Ethnoplurism, a concept developed by de Benoist, is an effort to refocus cultural diversity and cultural identity. The fundamental thought of ethnoplurism is to believe that each cultural and cultural group should keep its distinctness and that contact between groups should be conducted in a manner mutually respecting the autonomy of each group. De Benoist rejects classical racial narratives and biological theories of the hierarchy of races, proposing alternatively "cultural pluralistic balance" within Europe.
In practice, ethnoplurism involves political decentralisation, the protection of local traditions and languages and respect for cultural boundaries. This thought can be seen as a reaction to globalisation and cultural homogenization, which, according to de Benoist, threatens local differences. Supporters argue that ethnopluralism promotes tolerance through the rule "Diversity without assimilation", avoiding both imperialistic and totalitarian forms of imposing 1 culture. However, the de Benoist concept raises many controversy. Critics point out that ethnoplurism can in practice lead to isolationism, social segregation or legitimacy of nationalist policies under the cover of cultural protection. Moreover, the thought of "pure" cultural boundaries is problematic in multicultural societies where migration and integration are inevitable.
In modern Europe, struggling with tensions between globalisation, migration and the preservation of local identities, ethnopluralism can be a tool for discussing the balance between pluralism and integration. However, its application requires a critical approach, taking into account human rights and the realities of modern democratic states. This concept remains an interesting starting point for debates on how cultural diversity can be reconciled with the request to coexist within the European community.
Reception of thought de Benoist in the fresh Right and AfD environments in Germany
The reception of the Alaina de Benoist acquis in Germany is linked to the improvement of environments referred to as Neue Rechte, which place their activities primarily at the metapolitical level, i.e. in the area of the production of ideas, interpretative categories and a framework of discourse affecting public debate. Time limit Neue Rechte refers to the intellectual trend developing since the 1970s, which refers to criticism of liberal universalism, cultural globalisation and the concept of linear progress.
Political literature emphasizes that inspirations think de Benoist primarily appears in debates on the relation between cultural identity and political structures of a modern state, as well as in reflection on the consequences of globalisation for civilizational pluralism. The concept of metapolitics, developed by Alain de Benoist since the 1970s, assumes that a permanent political change is only possible after the prior transformation of the dominant interpretative categories in the sphere of culture, discipline and public debate.
In this sense, metapolitics is not a direct strategy for gaining political power, but refers to the long-term process of redefining concepts specified as nation, democracy, sovereignty or collective identity. In the German context, the reception of these ideas is linked to the activities of intellectual environments analysing the crisis of the liberal modernisation model and the tensions resulting from the globalisation processes. The Institut für Staatspolitik is 1 of the institutions that considers the issue of European identity in the context of the transformation of the global strategy after the end of the Cold War. Publications related to this environment focus on the analysis of cultural homogenization processes and on the criticism of reducing civilizational differences to purely economical categories.
The metapolitical approach to politics is based on the presumption that political conflicts are preceded by interpretative conflicts regarding the way normative categories are understood. De Benoist points out that liberal universalism assumes the anticipation of establishing a uniform model of a social organization based on normative individualism, while European traditions were historically characterised by the pluralism of Community forms. In its view, the problem is not about pluralism itself, but about the tendency to reduce it by the dominance of 1 cultural model presented as universal.
However, the reception of de Benoist in Germany does not mean a simple transfer of theoretical concepts to political programmes. In many cases, inspirations are selective and are reinterpreted according to national context, constitutional tradition and organization strategy structure. This process corresponds to the classical mechanics of adaptation of political ideas, in which theoretical concepts are transformed as a consequence of contact with circumstantial organization conditions.
Political analyses indicate that de Benoist's influence is peculiarly evident in discussions on the concept of European identity, the relation between liberal democracy and political sovereignty and the consequences of globalisation on national autonomy. In this context, his criticism of reducing a man to a category is frequently cited homo oeconomicus, which leads, in his opinion, to the marginalisation of the importance of cultural communities as intermediary structures between an individual and a state.
An crucial component of the reception is besides the concept of ethnoplurism, interpreted as an effort to theoretically reconcile cultural pluralism with the thought of preserving the distinctness of civilizational traditions. In the literature of the subject, it is emphasized that this concept evokes interpretative controversy, as it is understood both as criticism of cultural homogenization and as a polemic with universalistic integration models. The analysis of discourse indicates that the meaning of this concept depends mostly on the context in which it is applied.
In the German context, the discussion on cultural identity and the integration of migrants after 2015 led to an increased interest in concepts analysing cultural and policy relations. This debate refers to the request to keep a balance between spiritual pluralism and the stableness of constitutional institutions. In this sense, the de Benoist reception forms part of a wider European dispute over the boundaries of universalism and the function of cultural traditions in the structure of modern societies.
Some researchers point out that the importance of metapolitics has increased in the context of the communication transition associated with the improvement of digital media, which let the diffusion of ideas beyond conventional academic structures. The production of political discourse is no longer limited to university institutions, but includes think tank, intellectual journals and publication platforms of a transnational nature.
The reception of de Benoist's thought in Germany is so an example of a process for the transfer of political ideas in a globalised environment where theoretical concepts are reinterpreted according to local intellectual traditions. The analysis of this process shows that the impact of political ideas is not their mechanical application, but their ability to redefine the explanation categories utilized in the public debate.
De Benoist criticises liberalism and globalisation, viewing them as a threat to European cultural distinctness, and Europe treats it as a civilizational community, not just a collection of national states.
AfD (Alternative for Germany) was established in 2013, grew out of the Eurosceptic movement, and in time moved towards nationalist and conservative. Its programme includes criticism of the European Union, opposition to immigration and emphasis on German national identity. The organization is characterized by interior diversity – from libertarian-conservative wing to national-“popular”.
There are indirect contact points between de Benoist concepts and AfD ideology. Both sides criticise multiculturalism and place emphasis on protecting cultural identity, although in AfD the emphasis is shifted to national policy and applicable state action, while de Benoist focuses on metapolitics and long-term cultural change. Similarly, the criticism of globalisation in AfD partially coincides with the antiliberalism of de Benoist, but is mainly political, not philosophical. The fundamental difference concerns the definition of cultural identity and pluralism: de Benoist treats ethnicity in a cultural and pluralistic sense, while AfD frequently operates with the notion of exclusive nationality.
The boundaries of the transfer of concepts are clear. AfD does not apply the metapolitics or long-term strategy of changing culture and its actions are limited to the current organization policy. The definition of national identity in AfD differs from the cultural pluralism promoted by de Benoist, and the deficiency of authoritative references to his thoughts in German right-wing discourse limits direct intellectual influence.
In conclusion, the ideological relations between Alain de Benoist and AfD are indirect and inspiring, mainly in the field of criticism of multiculturalism and protection of European or German identity. AfD is not the direct implementation of the de Benoista concept, and the transfer of ideas mainly includes certain cultural values and language, while maintaining clear boundaries in strategy, identity definition and cultural pluralism.
Islamic Europe? Us and the others...
The future of the relation between Islam and Europe depends on the ability of political institutions to adapt to the conditions of normative pluralism. Possible scenarios include the improvement of forms of integration based on constitutional citizenship, in which political affiliation is not dependent on spiritual identification.
Jürgen Habermas indicates that "Constitutional patriotism can form the basis for integration of pluralist societies".
In turn, the metapolitical reflection of Alain de Benoist indicates that "The globalisation processes lead to the re-emergence of cultural identity categories". Europe is in a transition phase in which the existing integration models are reviewed and in the face of 1 of the most crucial questions of its generation: Will it keep its separate identity against the increasing presence of Islam or will it succumb to its cultural influence?
This question is not just political,It's metapolitical. I am not talking about law or short-term legislative decisions, but about the strength of culture, education and the media in shaping long-term European awareness. From a metapolitic position Islam appears to be a full strategy of values, customs and visions of the planet – a civilization that comes into contact with the European tradition of humanism, secularism and pluralism. gathering these 2 worlds is not an automatic military conflict, but a rivalry of ideas and ways of life. It is up to us whether this gathering will consequence in dialog and coexistence or tension and division.
Possible paths for Europe
The first is cultural coexistence – Islam becomes part of the European mosaic and the core of values preserves strength through education, debate and art.
Second The script is Civilization competition, where differences lead to polarisation of societies and the movement to defend European identity is increasing.
Third the script assumes assimilation – the influx of Islam is subject to European standards and values and the culture of the continent remains dominant.
Fourth The script, the most radical, is submission – where European identity is transformed by fresh values and conventional institutions are losing their rank.
The metapolitical question is, therefore, not "should Europe fight Islam" but: How do we preserve our separate identity in a planet where different civilizations meet in the same territory? The answer depends on our ability to consciously form culture, education and public debate, on the ability to build narratives, which in the long word will defend European civilization, not through coercion, but through the power of ideas.
Europe is not facing Islam as an army towards the army, but as a civilization towards civilization. It's up to us whether it's a creative gathering or a rivalry for the dominance of values. And the future of our continent depends on it.
Matthäus Golla
Literature:
- Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge, Migrationsbericht 2016Nürnberg 2017;
- Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung, Integration und Bildung, Berlin 2018;
- Klaus J. Bade, Migration in der deutschen GeschichteMünchen 2013;
- Naika Foroutan, Die postmigrantische Gesellschaft, Bielefeld 2019;
- Alain de Benoist, Culturerevolution von rechts, Dresden 2011, pp. 45–52;
- Alain de Benoist, Aufstand der Kulturen, Berlin 2017, pp. 118–126;
- Vorländer, Herold, Schäller, PEGIDA — Entwicklung, Zusammensetzung und DeutungDresden 2016;
- Bassam Tibi, Leitkultur als WerteordnungMünchen 2000;
- Herfried Münkler, Die neuen KriegeReinbek 2015;
- Thilo Sarrazin, Deutschland schafft sich abMünchen 2010;
- Jürgen Habermas, Factizität und Geltung, Frankfurt a.M. 1992;
- Werner Schiffauer, Nach dem Islamismus, Berlin 2010
- Bertelsmann Stiftung, Religionist, Gütersloh 2017;
- Alain de Benoist, Beyond Human Rights, Arktos Media Ltd. 2024;
- Hüseyn Hilmi Isik, Islam und Christentum, Hakikat Verlgahshaus GmbH, Lünen 2021.
