GENESIS OF THE GLOBAL WAR II

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GENESIS OF THE GLOBAL WAR II

Three years before the outbreak of the war, in 1936, the 3rd Reich troops, contrary to the Treaty of Versailles agreements, entered the demilitarized region of Rhineland. The German commanders, aware of the possible failure to face a strong counteroffensive from the Allies, had no reason to fear their regular protest alternatively of actual action. In the same year, a revolution broke out in Spain, headed by General Franco, supported by Italian and then besides German fascists, for whom specified investment of people and equipment meant valuable experience before the war was about to start.

In 1938, under the pretext of "preventing order and order," the German army entered Austria, where earlier, by Hitler's command, 1 of the chancellors was murdered, and the another was mentioned as a man told on the side of the 3rd Reich. Under an equally apparent pretext of defending the persecuted German minority, Hitler joined the Czech Sudetes.

In view of the Allied's readiness to put up armed resistance, Hitler at the Munich conference (September 1938) declared that the annexation of the Sudetes would end his territorial expansion in Europe.

Six months later, the Czech Republic and Moravia were annexed to the 3rd Reich; the established puppet Slovak state remained under German control. Hitler's aggressive policy towards Central European states was a clear message of his intentions towards the Slavic nations inhabiting them (remaining in the light of racist explanation a species of subhumans), which were to supply Things of inexpensive labour from now on. The passive position of the Allied, who were confined to protest only, favoured German politics.

The offensive from the 3rd Reich to the Polish state seemed apparent after the annexations already made. According to German nationalists, the existence of the Polish state was a mistake, committed erstwhile signing the Treaty of Versailles.

Independence of Poland. Molotov called her “a monstrous bastard of the Treaty of Versailles”. Stalin spoke of it as “o, sorry for the expression - state”, and for J.M. Keynes, the theorist of modern capitalism was “an economical impossibility whose only manufacture is judaic food.”

Lewis Namler thought she was "pathological," E. H. Carr called her a "farce". David Lloyd George spoke of the "defeat of history", claiming that "she gained freedom not by her own effort, but by human blood" and that she was a country that "imposed to another nations the same tyranny" that he himself endured over the years.

Poland said, "is drunk with the young wine of freedom which the Allies have given it," and "considers itself an irresistible charming lover of Central Europe".

In 1919, Lloyd George said that “he would have given the monkey a watch alternatively than the advanced Silesia Poland”, and in 1939 he declared that “Poland deserved its fate.”

Adolf Hitler called it “a state that grew out of the blood of countless regiments, a state built on strength and ruled by the batons of police and soldiers, a ridiculous state in which sadistic beasts vent their perverse instincts, artificially conceived state, a favourite peaceful dog of Western democracy, which cannot at all be considered a cultural nation, alleged state, without any national, historical, cultural or moral basis.”

The convergence of these feelings, as well as the way they are expressed, is obvious. seldom - if always - a country which has just gained independency has been the subject of equally krasomous and equally unjustified insults.

Rarely - if always - were British liberals equally careless in formulating opinions, or choosing companionship. erstwhile the First planet War broke out, 1 of Józef Piłsudski's co-workers wrote: "No 1 in the planet wants Poland".

British Prime Minister Herbert Asquith spoke shortly before the war to an outstanding pianist and advocate for the Polish origin in the West of Ignacy Paderewski: "There is no hope for the future for the Fatherland of the Lord."

This meant that at the time of the war, the Polish case was considered in Europe an interior problem for Russian invaders, who, with France and the United Kingdom, were in the entent camp and fighting this alliance of central states - Germany and Austro-Hungarian. Regardless of this, the commanding forces fighting with each another on the lands of the Polish army of possessive states wanted to guarantee the favour of Poles.

The Russians issued a call in which they appealed to the eternal, supposedly common conflict between Slavs and Germanic aggression and promised to unite Polish lands "free in faith, language and self-government". The declaration did not have the slightest value, and was issued by uncle Tsar Mikołaj II - Mikołajewicz - chief of the Russian army.

Even more general promises were made by central states, limited to calling for a fight against east barbarism. The leaders of the 2 main Polish political camps were aware of this hard situation, of which the national democratic 1 represented the anti-German orientation and the irredentist 1 was anti-Russian.

Less than a period after the Munich deal, in October 1938, Germany requested approval to include the Free City of Gdańsk and to build an extraterritorial railway and road line by Polish Pomerania.

These demands were repeated twice, in January 1939 and 2 months later, after the Germans entered the Lithuanian port of Klaipeda. German propaganda accused Poland of stalking a German number in its country.

The governments of large Britain and then France gave Poland a safety warrant and secured military aid, while in England alone the opponents of the war protested against attempts to militarize the country.

In April 1939, fascist Italy attacked Albania and concluded the alleged Iron Pact with the 3rd Reich. The fast normalization of German-Soviet relations, after the nomination of Molotov for the position of the Minister of abroad Affairs of the USSR, resulted in the signing of a "non-aggression pact" (the alleged Ribbentrop Pact - Molotov), containing a secret clause on the division of spheres of influence in Poland. Despite the aid guarantees from the Allies, the Second Republic was thus sentenced to destruction.

The contribution of Polish scientists to the fight against the future occupier, and the surprise for the Nazis themselves, was to hand over France and the UK, in August 1939, the "Enigma" machines, utilizing which intelligence services could decipher secret German reports.

In 1939 the Polish state inhabited 35 million people, most of whom worked in agriculture. The longest, almost unarmed borders were 2,000 km along Germany to the west and 1500 km along the russian Union to the east. The economy has not yet been rebuilt from erstwhile wars, with a clear deficiency of developed dense industry, hence the Polish army was poorly equipped. The danger hanging over the country forced them to prepare for the German offensive.

The Burning Reichstag

Reichstag's fire was Hitler's pretext for trial with the opposition

80 years ago, a fire was set in Reichstag. As an arsonist, the Nazis lost Dutch communist Marinus van der Lubbe. Historians are inactive arguing whether he did the assassination. Hitler utilized the incidental for a violent trial with political opposition. The Reichstag building was a terrible evening - February 27, 1933 - as it died out, as German president Paul von Hindenburg had a period earlier, at the request of the fresh Chancellor Adolf Hitler, dissolved the parliament, appointing early elections for March 5.

Passing shortly after 9:00 p.m., Zcer Werner Thaler heard the buzz of the broken glass and saw the shadow of a mysterious figure entering the building through the window, and shortly after the flame. The witness immediately alerted the police. Within a fewer minutes, the fire department came to the scene, but despite the efficient action, the plenary area and another parliamentary rooms failed to be rescued.

Shortly thereafter, Reichstag president Hermann Wilhelm Göring appeared on the scene, and shortly after, the Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler himself. "This is no uncertainty the work of the Communists" - announced Wilhelm Göring, informing Hitler that the police had already detained 1 of the arsonists. "You have to"to hang all communist MPs tonight" - screamed Hitler, whose words were written by 1 of the American journalists. "Nothing can halt me from crushing an iron hand on the pulp of this murderous plague"The Chancellor was in danger.

"This fire is the beginning of a fresh era in German history" - declared pathetically Adolf Hitler, announcing a trial with opponents. Interior Minister, Nazi Wilhelm Frick had in his drawer a ready-made draft of the "Protection of Nation and State", abolishing rights and civilian liberties. A package of regulations signed immediately by the Reich president introduced a state of emergency throughout the country.

In the fire-scattered building, police stopped 24-year-old Dutchman Marinus van der Lubbe. A mentally unstable, almost blind, unemployed 24-year-old, a sympathizer of anarchist communism, came to the capital of Germany to protest the Nazi takeover of power. 2 days before the attack on Reichstag van der Lubbe attempted to set fire to Berlin City Hall and castle, nevertheless the fire was rapidly put out.

Changing unexpectedly his plans to return to the Netherlands, van der Lubbe, who spent his last night in police asylum for the homeless, purchased matches and a coal torch and headed for the Reichstag on 27 February before noon. In the evening he entered parliament, setting fire first in the Nazi faction of the NSDAP and then in the plenary room. erstwhile he ran out of firewood, he set the curtains and tablecloths on fire, and yet ripped off his shirt and another parts of his wardrobe, utilizing them to light the fire. At the time of his arrest, van der Lubbe was half-naked, wearing only his pants hanging on the braces.

"This fire is the beginning of a fresh era in German history" - declared pathetically Hitler, announcing a trial with opponents. Interior Minister, Nazi Wilhelm Frick had in his drawer a ready-made draft of the "Protection of Nation and State", abolishing rights and civilian liberties. A package of regulations signed immediately by the Reich president introduced a state of emergency throughout the country.

Already on the night of 27-28 February, Nazi S.A. and SS fighters arrested respective 1000 political opponents, mostly communists. Within a fewer days, the number of people arrested exceeded 10,000 - social democrats, unionists and journalists with liberal views.

In the parliamentary elections on 5 March, the NSDAP together with 2 smaller nationalist-conservative groups first gained a majority in the parliament (51.9 percent). Before the next elections on 12 November, all parties but the NSDAP were banned - German democracy ceased to exist.

The van der Lubbe trial began on 21 September 1933 before the Reich Court. The suspect confessed to arson.. "I did this act all alone" - stated at the hearing. According to the trial observers, Dutchman was apathetic, spoke vaguely and seemed to be under the influence of drugs. The court sentenced him to death for arson and treason.

The conviction was executed on January 10, 1934. Just before his execution, he was going to say "Enough" - said the prison chaplain.

Both during the war and in the first years after the end of the war, in fact, no 1 had any doubts that the Nazis had staged the arson of the Reichstag to have an excuse to destruct democracy in Germany. During the Nuremberg trial, erstwhile counterintelligence worker Hans Bernd Gisevius testified that the arson was carried out by 10 SA members, no of whom survived the war.

However, over the years, the supporters of the van der Lubbe thesis began to talk boldly as the only perpetrator of the fire.

Amateur historian Fritz Tobias, based on the statements of witnesses of events, most of the erstwhile officers of the German Nazi police and the judiciary, announced that there was no evidence of 3rd parties' engagement in the Reichstag arson, and that the work of Nazi Germans for the fire was "the fairy tales".

His position was supported by 1 of the most celebrated German historians Hans Mommsen. Tobias' thesis was taken over by the leading German weekly "Der Spiegel", publishing a series of articles on this subject since 1959. His explanation entered the canon of German historiography and in this spirit the evidence in the encyclopedia is kept.

The arson experts say that 1 individual could not in just a fewer minutes, and so much time had at his disposal van der Lubbe, set off a fire that destroyed the immense plenary hall of parliament. Substances were found in the ruins, including traces of kerosene, which could have been utilized by unknown perpetrators as material to strengthen fire.

Employee of the renowned Institute of Latest past (IfZ) Hans Schneider, who showed many contradictions and ambiguities in the work Tobias, as a consequence of the intrigue, was removed from investigation and stripped of his position in the institute. A supporter of the thesis about Nazi Germans' engagement in the arson of parliament was besides the leading figure of German past Golo Mann.

The pictures taken immediately after the fire besides show carbonized cardboard tablets with the names of the MPs, which allowed the fire to spread rapidly. Van der Lubbe did not have time to search his closets and spread them on the level - the opponents of the thesis about his lone action. "This must have been an organized action," claims erstwhile Berlin fire chief Albrecht Broemme.

Authors of the publication "Reichstag Fire. A communicative of provocation", whose updated edition late appeared in German bookstores, point out that the suspiciously fast appearance of Wilhelm Göring in Reichstag indicates that he had to know about the arson earlier. His evidence during the van der Lubbe trial proves "the cognition that only the perpetrator can have" - Alexander Bahar and Wilfried Kugel say.

American Arthur Garfield Hays, who as 1 of the abroad correspondents reported on the course of the trial, said, "Even if we don't know who set the fire, 1 thing is certain: the Reichstag burned first, and then the full world."

The German prosecutor's office only annulled van der Lubbe in 2007, 74 years after his death. "It's scandal and disgrace for the German justice system" - says lawyer Reinhard Hillebrand, who has obtained a review of the conviction after lengthy efforts.

GLYVICA PROVOCATION

Hitler needed an excuse to attack Poland

"I will make a propaganda reason to start a war; whether it is credible or not" - assured his generals Führer at the General Staff gathering on August 22, 1939.

Reinhard Heydrich - he led to the provocation of Gliwice.

31 August 1939 to radio stations in German then, A couple of armed men in civilian clothes came in. The attackers terrorized the German crew and sent a message in Polish: "Warning! The radio station is in Polish hands...". Francis Honiok, a Polish Ślązak, was murdered, now considered the first victim of planet War II.

The fact about the provocation of Gliwice came to light only at the trial of Nazi criminals in Nuremberg. Witness Alfred Helmut Naujock - soldier SD, SS and Waffen SS - testified: "On August 30, 1939, I received an order from the head of SD Reinhard Heydrich to phase an attack on a radio station close Gliwice, close the Polish border. This was to be done to make it look like the attackers were Poles. For abroad press and for German propaganda, evidence of Polish assault was needed."

Dead bodies were needed to make the attack credible. Witness Naujok told of his gathering with the head of the Gestapo: "Heinrich Müller told me that he had to order 13 convicted criminals who should be dressed in Polish uniforms, and their corpses should be left in the battlefield of planned clashes to show that they were killed during the attack." Death injections were given to prisoners of concentration camps dressed in Polish uniforms. Then they were shot. It was their dead bodies in Polish uniforms that were photographed and shown to journalists, informing about the brazen assaults in German territory. All SD and SS soldiers who fired during the raid on the radio station into the air and for poisoned prisoner injections were besides later killed.

The gliwick provocation was not the only specified action planned and executed by Hitler and the Gestapo. Various German border posts were attacked or briefly acquired by alleged Poles. Reports and photographs of correspondents were published in the press, who saw the dead and could confirm that they were all wearing Polish uniforms and armed with Polish rifles.

SECURITISATION OF THE III CUTS IN THE TURNING STATES

Three years before the outbreak of the war, in 1936, the German Reich's 3rd Army, contrary to the Treaty of Versailles agreements, entered the demilitarized region of Rhineland. The German commanders, aware of the possible failure to face a strong counteroffensive from the Allies, had no reason to fear their regular protest alternatively of actual action. In the same year, a revolution broke out in Spain, headed by General Franco, supported by Italian and then besides German fascists, for whom specified investment of people and equipment meant valuable experience before the war was about to start.

These demands were repeated twice, in January 1939 and 2 months later, after the Germans entered the Lithuanian port of Klaipeda. German propaganda accused Poland of stalking German minorities in its country.

Early mornings September 1, 1939 Germany attacked Poland, without declaring war on the full dimension of the border.

The symbolic beginning of planet War II became the fire of the Polish transport depot Westerplatte in Gdańsk by the battleship "Schleswig - Holstein". Polish soldiers, despite the tremendous advantage of the aggressor, have resisted heroic opposition since the beginning of the war. In the north, the attack of the German armored troops led to the break-up of parts of the Army of Pomerania in the Tucholski Bora and - despite the first success under Mława - the Army of Modlin. crucial local success was noted on the western section of the Volynska Cavalry Brigade which, on 1 September in the conflict of Mokra, caused major losses to the German 4th Armoured Division. In the south-west in the first days of the war, the Germans forced the Army of “Kraków” to retreat and occupy Silesia and cross the Carpathians, breaking the weak Polish defence in this section.

After the withdrawal from Silesia of regular WP troops to fight Germany, local self-defense began. Being a actual “salt of black land” made up of erstwhile Silesian insurgents and scouts defended, among others, Katowice and Chorzów. The breach by the Germans of border defence led to the retreat of Polish troops throughout the front. The defeat of the Army “Prussy” at the Battleship, which was mostly attributed to the dismissive opponent of its commander Gen. Stefan Dąb - Biernacki accelerated the withdrawal of the defensive line on Narwi, Wisla and Sana.

At that time, Warsaw was abandoned by civilian authorities, which went first east and then south of the country. He followed them with his chief staff chief Edward Smigły - Rydz, who was gradually losing real command capabilities due to a malfunctioning communication. On 8 September, German armored troops arrived in Warsaw, but their attack from Ochota was repulsed thanks to the large sacrifice of soldiers and supporting their civilian population.

German successes enabled a decisive advantage in all types of weapons and the usage of the "blitzkrieg" approach, i.e. lightning warfare. It was based on the impact of many armored units on selected points, usually at the interface of the Polish army.

Polish troops were forced to retreat against the danger of the lap, frequently paralyzed by the dominant German aviation. While Polish troops continued fighting after Vistula, General Tadeusz Kutręba's Army ‘Poznań’, supported by part of the Army ‘Pomorze’, concentrated its forces on Bzura.

On 9 September, Poles started the biggest run conflict there, attacking successfully the wing of German troops, which were attacking Warsaw. Łęczyca and Łowicz were captured, causing large losses to Germany. However, the opponent transferred troops from another sections of the front and in the second decade of September, in fierce combats, in which 3 Polish generals Nicholas Bołtuć, Stanisław Grzmot - Skotnicki, Francisz Vlad - crashed the Army of “Poznań” by General Tadeusz Kutręba.

General Francisz Vlad, along with his staff and remnants of the 58th Infantry Regiment, decided to break through the Bzura. On September 17, his unit was attacked by dense fire of German artillery in forests close Ilova on Bzura. The general was badly injured in the head and died from the wounds. Before his death, he dictated a letter to his wife:

I think of you, Poland I sacrifice myself. Hide our son, the brave Pole. I confessed. Frank.

Only a fewer WP troops broke into Warsaw.

"Warsaw will fight" - order of General Valerian Czuma the Warsaw defender - meant that "Warsaw will be defended to the last breath. The citizens of the capital should now devote all their energy to facilitate the task of the fighting army. No 1 should decision from where he will be defended by the capital. Leaving Warsaw at specified a time will be considered cowardice. Warsaw was on the front line of the defence and should be arrogant to have specified an honorable fate.”

In isolation from the remainder of the country, defenders of the Polish Coast fought. On the first day of the war, Germany attacked the Polish Post Office and the Polish transit depot in Westerplatte, Gdańsk. The previously mobilized postmen defended themselves all day, giving up only after the attackers set the building on fire. The Westerplatte crew commanded by Major Henryk Sucharski answered the first attacks. After the opposition of Sucharski according to previously received orders, he intended to capitulate. Against the opposition of the officers, with Captain Francis Dąbrowski at the head of the squad continued the fight. Polish soldiers in heroic opposition persisted on Westerplatte until 7 September - attacked from land - shelled from the sea by the battleship "Schleswig - Holstein" and bombarded by aviation.

During the first days of the war, the Polish Navy was practically eliminated from the fight. The Luftwaffe sank in the port of Hel, the countertorpedo “Wicher” and the largest Polish warship put mine “Griff”. The Germans besides hit WP units defending Colonel Stanisław Dąbek of Gdynia. After the failure of the largest Polish port, Poles defended themselves on Oxyvia, pushed in fierce battles towards the sea.

On 19 September the Germans broke resistance, and Colonel Stanisław Dąbek, unwilling to surrender, committed suicide. Since then, the last defensive point on the Coast remained the Hel Peninsula.

During the retreat of Polish troops in the north of the country, the burden of stopping the Germans over Narvia was assumed by Captain Władysław Raginis, who, at the head of about 8 100 soldiers for 3 days, defended against the nearly 40 - 1000 German armored corps reinforced with bunkers of position under Wizna. It is simply a celebrated communicative of the heroic fight of the defenders of Wizna, after the defence of August 17, 1920 Zaworz by Defenders of Lviv in the Polish-bolshevik War, besides called Polish Thermopiles.

According to Adolf Hitler's orders, German troops led a total, ruthless war against civilians. German aviation bombed not only military targets and transport routes, but besides carried out terrorist attacks on cities where there were no military, industrial facilities. The victims of German airmen were refugees from areas under war. Many members of self-defense were murdered in Wielkopolska and Silesia, and in October 1939 defenders of the Polish Post in Gdańsk were executed.

W Bydgoszcz was executed by the civilian population, which was explained by the Germans by the alleged execution (called "blood Sunday" propaganda) carried out by Poles on representatives of the German number surviving in the city.

In fact, on 3 September, any Germans from Bydgoszcz appeared armedly against WP troops withdrawing from the city. As a result, about 300 people - any captured with a weapon in their hand - were shot. After the business of Bydgoszcz, the Germans murdered not little than 1500 Poles in retaliation, in most selected random men, usually identified by German neighbours.

Crimes on civilians were besides committed in Częstochowa.

VISIT OF JOSEPH BECKA IN BERLIN

During the preparation of Beck's visit to Berlin, which was to take place immediately after the end of six weeks of authoritative mourning, a British-German maritime arrangement was signed on 18 June, which was the ruin of the next point of the Treaty of Versailles and enabled Germany's legal expansion of the large Navy, on a scale to the Royal Navy as 35 to 100, although with German resignation from building aircraft carriers, but with equal parity for both parties in building submarines. Beck, at a conference with his closest colleagues, discussed this ominous political event, but showed no concern at the possible of strong Kriegsmarine being present in the Baltic. He was more curious in the anticipation of Britain moving distant from the continent. Meanwhile, on the eve of the Berlin visit a fresh Gdańsk conflict grew. It was apparent that the constant financial, economical and customs collisions between Poland and the Free City stemmed mainly from Berlin's inspiration, from inspirations found susceptible soils between the German chauvinists in Gdańsk. In fact, opposing Poland was a programme, and it was a programme created in Berlin. They tried to prove to the planet that the political disconnect between Gdansk and the Reich was nonsense. In fact, the improvement of Gdańsk and its abundance depended exclusively on trade with Poland; cutting off from Poland would mean the immediate demolition of the full economy of this mini-state. A bit of confusion was introduced by the Polish-German declaration of non-aggression, erstwhile in Berlin it was decided to brake primarily propaganda activity against Poland. Beck was ready, if needed, in the case of Gdańsk even to fight against Germany; at the same time, on a diplomatic level, he excluded them from negotiating over Free City matters. He rightly recommended not to let talks with Germany about Polish-Gdanese relations; specified talks could indeed make it easier for Germany to set itself up as an arbitrator. But on the another hand, paradoxically, Beck's position was very appropriate to Germany. After all, Gdansk was a state organism seemingly independent of them. In Gdańsk there was no agreement on non-aggression concluded by Germany with Poland, nor were there agreements on inhibiting unfriendly propaganda. So in Gdańsk the Nazis did what they wanted in the field of anti-Polish activity. From the Polish point of view, the Free City, according to the real state of affairs, was to be treated not as a state and not even as a state, but as a German agent and to discuss its affairs straight with its German authorities. Beck, however, believed in Hitler's goodwill, the Gdańsk troubles attributed the action of these old Prusak farms, from which in his opinion Hitler's leadership was cut off and thus in any ways gave the field to the enemy. It was only at the end of the year that he was to learn about the mechanics of this diversion against Poland. He left for Berlin on July 3. He was greeted by the SS honorary company in front of the Silesian Railway Station, after which he accepted the parade of the regiment, not the erstwhile Reichswehr, but the fresh Wehrmacht. The protocol was applied as for the Prime Minister. Beck later wrote: “...the real value of my visit to Berlin was that this event was a evidence to the public to a fresh form of relations between Poland and Germany. In a sense, the most crucial issue was not whether these relations would be good or bad in the future; so far they were simply considered impossible at all; therefore, the very fact of establishing them has already introduced a fresh origin into European policy." During this visit, Gdańsk cases were besides successfully resolved. As a consequence of the force of Berlin, the Free City legislature immediately changed its position, expressed by ratifying the strategy in Gdynia, which restored the Polish customs barrier at the external borders of the area of Gdańsk and arranged financial settlements with the Free City. In this way Berlin tried to test the resilience of fresh authorities in changed conditions. In general, Hitler showed large respect for the figure of the already deceased Marshal Pilsudski. At the same time, it was examined whether the Marshal's death would affect any violent change in his policies.

POLISH POLICY BEFORE 1SEPTEMBER 1939

The Polish government, Chief Edward Rydz - Śmigły, abroad Minister Józef Beck knew precisely Adolf Hitler's policy and the nature of the threat of armed attack on Poland. Of course, they were aware of the forms of Hitler's demands concerning the "corridor", or the free city of Gdańsk, considering this, according to the facts, as apparent provocation. They believed in alliances with Western powers, did not let thoughts of betrayal, Kraków, Zakopane and Lviv conferences were not yet known to them, they did not anticipate the events of September 17, 1939.

It is so crucial to callback the speech of the Minister of abroad Affairs of Poland Józef Beck from May 1939, and thus for the incomplete 4 months since the German attack on Poland. The Ribbentrop Pact - Molotov was not yet concluded.

Józef's Speech 5 May 1935

On May 5, 1939, the Minister of abroad Affairs of the Republic of Poland, Józef Beck, gave a speech in the Sejm, which was highly crucial and crucial for the further policy of the Republic of Poland. ]]>http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/ Przem%C3%B3Wienie_J%C3%B3zefa_Becka_w_Sejmie_RP_5_maja_1939_r]]>

The speech of the Minister of abroad Affairs of the Republic of Józef Beck was given at the plenary session of the Polish Parliament on 5 May 1939, in consequence to the speech of the Chancellor of the Reich A. Hitler of 28 April 1939.

Joseph Beck

"High House! I am utilizing Parliament's gathering to fill any gaps in my work in fresh months. The course of global events would possibly justify more statements by the Minister of abroad Affairs than my only exposé? in the legislature abroad Affairs Committee. On the another hand, this fast course of events led me to postpone the public declaration until the main issues of our policy took a more mature form. The consequences resulting from the weakening of global collective institutions and from the deep revision of working methods between countries, which I have repeatedly signaled in the Chambers, have led to the beginning of a full scope of fresh problems in various parts of the world. This process and its effects have reached the borders of the Republic in the last fewer months. What can most mostly be said about this phenomenon, I summarize in determining that relations between individual countries have become more individual, more personal. General standards have been weakened. It is simply more and more direct from you to you. As far as we are concerned, there have been very serious events. Our contact with any countries has become deeper and easier, in another cases serious difficulties have arisen. In chronological terms, I am referring to our first line deal with the United Kingdom, England. After respective diplomatic contacts to find the scope of our future relations, we reached a direct agreement on the basis of the rule of common assistance in the event of a threat to the direct or indirect independency of 1 of our countries on the occasion of my visit to London. The expression of the agreement is known to you in Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's declaration of 6 April, a declaration the text of which has been agreed and should be considered to be an arrangement between the 2 governments. I consider it my work to add here that the way and form of exhausting talks in London add a peculiar value agreement. I would like the Polish public to know that I have met from English statesmen not only a deep knowing of the general issues of European policy, but besides a attitude towards our country, which allowed me to discuss all the crucial issues with all openness and trust, without any indisputation or doubt. It was possible to establish the rule of Polish-Polish cooperation quickly, first of all, due to the fact that we explained to ourselves clearly that the tendencies of both governments are consistent with fundamental European issues; surely neither England nor Poland has any aggressive intentions towards anyone, but they are besides firmly based on respect for certain fundamental principles in global life. Parallel declarations by the French political leaders state that we agree between Paris and Warsaw that the effectiveness of our defence agreement not only cannot be weakened by a change in the global economy, but alternatively that this agreement should be 1 of the most crucial factors in Europe's political structure. The Polish-English agreement was accepted by the Chancellor of the German Reich as an excuse for unilateral designation of the non-existent agreement which the Chancellor of the Reich concluded with us in 1934. Before I get to today's phase of the matter, gentlemen, let me a brief historical outline. The fact that I was privileged to participate actively in the conclusion and execution of this arrangement requires me to examine it. The 1934 deal was an event of large measure. It was an effort to give any better course of past between the 2 large nations, an effort to appear from the unhealthy atmosphere of regular grumps and wider hostile intentions, to emergence above centuries-old animosities, to make deep foundations of common respect. An effort to argue evil is always the most beautiful anticipation of political activity. Polish politics at the most critical moments of fresh times showed respect for this principle. From this angle of view, gentlemen, breaking this arrangement is not very significant. But all deal is worth as much as the consequences of it are worth. And if your partner's policy and conduct deviates from the rule of the arrangement, then after his weakness or disappearance, we have no reason to mourn. The Polish-German Agreement of 1934 was an agreement on common respect and good neighbourliness, and as specified brought affirmative value to the life of our country, to the life of Germany and to the life of Europe. However, at the minute erstwhile tendencies have become apparent to interpret it either as a regulation on the freedom of our policy, or as a motive for demanding unilateral, and incompatible with our vital interests, concepts have lost their actual character. Let's decision on to the current situation. The German Reich itself accepted the fact of the Polish-English agreement as a motive for breaking the agreement of 1934. From the German side, specified or another objections were raised of a juridical nature. Let me mention to the text of our answer to the German memorandum, which will be delivered to the German Government today. I would besides hatred to keep you on diplomatic forms of this event any longer, but a certain area has a circumstantial expression here. The Reich government, as is evident from the text of the German memorandum, made its decision on the basis of press information without examining the opinion of either the English Government or the Polish Government on the nature of the agreement. This was not difficult, as I was ready to accept the Reich ambassador immediately after returning from London, who has not taken this chance to this day. Why is this important? For the simplest reasonable man, it is clear that it was not the nature, intent and framework of the Polish-English agreement that decided, only the fact that specified a arrangement was concluded. And this is crucial again to measure the intentions of the Reich's policy, due to the fact that if, contrary to erstwhile statements, the Reich Government interpreted the declaration of non-aggression concluded with Poland in 1934 as a desire to isolate Poland and prevent our country from cooperating normally, friendly with Western countries, we would always reject specified interpretations. advanced House! In order to decently measure the situation, 1 must first ask the question, what is the matter? Without this question and our answer to them, we cannot decently measure the substance of German statements in relation to the issues around Poland. I talked about our attitude towards the West before. The issue of the German proposal about the future of the Free City of Gdańsk, the communication of the Reich with east Prussia by our Pomeranian Voivodeship and additional topics raised as matters, interesting jointly Poland and Germany. Let us examine these questions 1 by one. As for Gdańsk, a fewer general comments first. The Free City of Gdańsk was not invented in the Versailles Treaty. It is simply a phenomenon that has existed for many centuries, and as a result, actually, if the emotional origin is rejected, a affirmative intersection of Polish and German matters. German merchants in Gdańsk ensured the improvement and prosperity of this city, thanks to the overseas trade of Poland. Not only the development, but besides the right existence of this city was due to the fact that it lies at the mouth of the only large our river, which in the past decided, and on the main waterway and railway, connecting us present with the Baltic. This is the fact that no fresh formulas can erase. The population of Gdańsk is now in its dominant majority German, but its existence and prosperity depend on the economical possible of Poland. What consequences did we draw from this? We stood and stand firmly on the platform of interests of our maritime trade and our maritime policy in Gdańsk. Looking for reasonable and reconciled solutions, we deliberately did not effort to exert any force on the free national, ideological and cultural improvement of the German population in the Free City. I will not prolong my speech by quoting examples. They are well - known to all who handled the substance in any way. But as shortly as the German statesmen who respected our position and expressed their opinion that "the provincial city would not be the subject of a dispute between Poland and Germany" - I hear the request of the annexation of Gdańsk to the Reich, as shortly as the joint warrant of the existence and rights of the Free City was submitted on 26 March, I do not receive an answer, and then learn that it was considered a rejection of the negotiations - I gotta ask myself, what exactly? Whether the freedom of the German population of Gdańsk, which is not threatened, or about prestigious matters, or about pushing Poland distant from the Baltic Sea, from which Poland cannot be pushed away! The same considerations mention to communication through our Pomeranian Voivodeship. I insist on the word "Pomorskie Voivodeship". The word “corritary” is an artificial invention, due to the fact that it is about the eternal Polish land, having a tiny percent of German settlers. We gave the German Reich all facilitation in railway communication, allowed citizens of this country to pass without difficulty customs or passports from the Reich to East Prussia. We proposed to consider akin facilitations in car communication. And here comes the question again, what precisely is it? We have no interest in harming the citizens of the Reich in communication with their east province. We have no reason to diminish our sovereignty in our own territory. In the first and second cases, this is about the future of Gdańsk and communication through Pomerania, it is inactive about unilateral concessions, which the Reich Government seems to request from us. A respectable state does not make unilateral concessions. Where, then, is this reciprocity? In German proposals it looks alternatively vague. The Reich Chancellor in his speech mentioned a triple condominium in Slovakia. I am forced to say that I heard this proposal for the first time in Mr Chancellor's speech on 28 April. In any erstwhile discussions, only hints were made that in the event of a general agreement, Slovakia could be discussed. We did not search to deepen this kind of conversation due to the fact that we do not have the habit of dealing with another people’s interests. Similarly, the proposal to extend the non-aggression pact for 25 years has not been presented in any concrete form in fresh discussions. Here besides were unofficial allusions, coming from prominent representatives of the Reich Government. But, gentlemen, there have besides been various another hints in specified conversations, which go much further and wider than the subjects discussed. I will reserve the right to return to this subject if necessary. In his speech, the Chancellor of the Reich as concessions for his part proposes designation and acceptance of the definitive border between Poland and Germany. I gotta state that this would be about recognising our de jure and de facto uncontested property, so this proposal cannot change my thesis either, that German dissiders in the case of Gdańsk and highways stay unilateral demands. In the light of these explanations, the advanced home most likely expects from me and rightly the answer to the last passus of the German memorandum, which says: "If the Government of Poland were to attach importance to the fresh contractual arrangement of Polish-German relations, the German Government is ready to do so". It seems to me that I've already defined our position. I'll do a resumé. A motive for specified an agreement would be the word “peace” which the Reich Chancellor stressed in his speech. Peace is definitely the goal of hard and hard work of Polish diplomacy. For this word to have real value, 2 conditions are needed: 1) peaceful intentions, 2) peaceful methods of conduct. If these 2 conditions are actual in relation to our country, any discussion, which evidently respects the principles mentioned above, is possible. If specified talks were to take place - it will be the customized of the Polish Government to treat the issue in a factual way, considering the experiences of fresh times, but not to deny its best will. Peace is simply a valuable and desirable thing. Our generation, bloody in wars, surely deserves peace. But peace, like almost all the affairs of this world, has its price, high, but measurable. We in Poland do not know the concept of peace at all costs. There is only 1 thing in the lives of people, nations and states that is priceless. This thing is honor.".

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Aleksander Szumański "Polish Underground State" Part I.

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]]>https://blogpress.pl/node/19739]]> Aleksander Szumański - Aleszum

Adam Dziurok, Marek Gałęzowski, Łukasz Kamiński, Filip He had to “From independency to Independence”, IPN 2011,

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