“I am not crazy adequate to think in Today’s Times what I think or don’t think.”
Witold Gombrowicz “Transatlantic”
"Any democratically elected Polish government would no uncertainty search the best possible relation with Moscow. This is in our apparent and undisputed interest.”
Juliusz Mieroszewski (in Culture, 1956, No. 11 ‘Russian question’)
The Polish-Ukrainian Historical legislature was held at the castle in Baranów Sandomierski from 6 to 8 May. Its programme consisted of 9 thematic panels with 4 participants each, plus 2 commentators included in the programme and 3 shorter discussions.
There were over a 100 researchers and politicians from both countries present. After the panelists spoke, there was a time for voices and questions from the room, after which they answered them collectively again. The full is available on the YT channel of the Mieroszewski Center, which legislature organized. The panels were arranged chronologically from the mediate Ages to the present, and the introductory panel was named “The right word to give things.” About terminology. Finally, the legal definition and applicable explanation of concepts utilized in the debate and how to convey academic cognition in textbooks were considered. All of this could be interesting if it were not for the dominant full of the task with the syndrome of “services of Ukraine” and the intellectual paralysis of the large majority of Polish participants, how aptly devoted by W. Gombrowicz in the words of Mr Cieczowski, mentioned in the mottu, 1 of many figures of symbols placed in the works of the master. This fear was seen first of all through the prism of what in Baranów was not said at all or almost not at all, which questions were not asked and which dogmas were not questioned. erstwhile individual – most frequently from the hall, gave not even an opinion, but a quote from a source, not “on the basis and on the line”, then he was given nothing in the old days a appropriate “resistance” summarized in the expression known from the times of the Polish People's Republic “And I ask, who is behind it and who serves it?”
And as then, the answer was known to everyone and almost nobody dared to question it. Hupka, Ichaja, German rematchers and American imperialism replaced the “third side” and “the eternal enemy” with which according to the Ukrainian deputy minister of abroad affairs Alexander Mischenko we have always fought together and "only in 1920 we did not bring the case to an end". any nominal representatives of the Polish side besides gave opposition to unruly people and support to the guests. As you can see, systems change, but habits and life strategies are passed on from generation to generation.
The situation was completely different on the Ukrainian side. On the 1 hand, the lineup itself foretold a fighting attitude, and on the other, it caused distaste and even outrage. In so far as the participation of the relativising Ukrainian crimes of the current Ukrainian president of IPN Alphiorova oxander was justified by the current function to any extent, it is the presence of specified persons as a public negationist and spreading impertinent anti-Polish lies his predecessor in this position Volodymyr Windmill or Swiatosław Sheremeta The ban on entry into Poland and the Schengen area, which the Minister of Waszczykowski had granted for halting the exhumation of Polish victims, is simply a scandal and making available for money of the Polish payer the Polish grandstand for preaching vile anti-Polish lies. Both of them were not only present, but they were entrusted with the main roles in key panels, and in the case of Windmill he took respective more votes from the room. Unlike a more regular successor, he seemed to be a fanatic, trying to get the maximum amount of lies out of him in the time limit, so that the translators gave him a request to talk slower.
A little aggressive but equally consistent negationist is besides another panelist prof. Bohdan Hud Pronouncing the thesis of anti-Polish genocide as a peasant rebellion, and peasants, as you know, are always cruel in specified situations. The panelists were joined by many Ukrainian guests from the hall, clearly dominant activity over the Polish side. They all felt that the invitation of specified people meant that more and more Polish victims were allowed to visit Poles and the memory of Polish victims and, in fact, everything and benefited from it during the conference. It is not surprising, however, if the Polish side represented a “engine of congress” Paweł Kowal, the same which according to Zbigniew Parishovich He did not let the results of the exhumation in Puźniki to be made public, and these were according to this account the remains of children's bodies.
Paweł Kowal
The main points of argument that appeared in the statements of W. Windowicz and his companions can be summarised as follows: in Volyn and in east Małopolska, not only did the genocide of Poles made by Ukrainians not occur, but after studying the sources of Windowicz confirmed that in the years II WW we had to deal with the local Polish-Ukrainian war, which was initiated by Ukrainian activists in September 1939, and to the apogee of “war” actions took place in 1944 in Chełmszczyz (it is expected to be revenge actions carried out by any Polish troops under the influence of exile relations about what the Ukrainians in the east). Poles are besides compromised by their cooperation with the russian guerrillas, and the final consequence of this was Action “Wisła”, whose goal was “Ukraine's final solutionIt’s okay. ” This was not the only remark suggesting the similarities of the Polish People's Republic to the 3rd Reich. According to this narrative, Ukrainian victims were about 30,000. Moreover, there can be no genocide due to the fact that the Ukrainians did not have a state at the time. There were individual crimes, but W. Windowowicz and his supporting colleagues pointed out that it was not all nationalists, then, along this path, we heard that not the full OUN UPA to conclude that only circumstantial branches in circumstantial places could be spoken of at all, and finally, it was simply "homo sapiens kills homo sapiens" and there is no reason to charge anyone for the whole.
He was active in this communicative by Deputy manager of the Mieroszewski Centre Dr. Luke Adamski "Poles or Ukrainians" were attacked on the village, but "such a unit and specified a branch" to "shape public discourse in a better direction". In addition, it turned out that the Ukrainian IPN is preparing a monograph on “Poles in UPA”, The president was expected to bring her to Congress, but she wasn't printed in time. Well, if it happened, it was due to the fact that he was doing the action. Dmytro Kłaczkowska “To Sawur’s Fence“ he had besides small strength to drive out Poles, and so he murdered out of applicable necessity. How this was discreetly overlooked. The Polish policy towards the Ukrainians in the interwar period, pacification of the village, demolition of the church is to blame for everything.
Both in the panel describing the times of planet War II and in describing the period of the 20th inter-war period, no mention of Ukrainian terrorism and murders appeared on Polish police officers, neighbors and officials with the minister Bronisław Pieracki Including. no of the panelists even mentioned the rejection of any ethical inhibitions of barbarous ideology Dmitry Doncova. Only errors of the Polish side were analysed and pointed to the sterileness of the reconciliation efforts of the Józewski voivode. This was complemented by a brief review of the state of exhumation, where the Ukrainian side represented no 1 another than the already mentioned S. Sheremet. In his opinion, the conduct of exhumation in Ukraine is no problem and Poles carried out quite a few projects there, and difficulties in exhumations are created only on the Polish side. Sheremeta besides repeated almost virtually Nazi rhetoric about those who "defence Europe from the Moscow horde", only that SS Galizien present replaced troops mentioned by W. Windowicz as the current place of military service of his colleagues.
Did the Polish side leave statements by W. Windowowicz and another negationists, and even accusers of Poles unanswered? And yes and no. Individual falses were occasionally scored, it was explained that Polish pacifications in the 20th inter-war period meant something another than German during the 2nd WW, that the state did not request to commit genocide, and adequate organized armed forces were needed, that all SS formations including the SS Galizien were considered criminal under global law, that the burial by the Russian services of the paper cited by Dr. Zajączkowski, etc., etc. There were marked differences between the majority of panelists and the 2 voices from the area and the most clear division among representatives of the Polish IPN and the Mieroszewski Centre. We must recognise that this time representing the IPN – acting president Karol Polejowski and Krzysztof Szwagrzyk The exhumers behaved in the most crucial matter. Polejowski he was a panelist of discussions on terminology and left no uncertainty that the Ukrainians had committed genocide in Poles, and responded to the W attack. Winder from the hall added that it was "planned, organized and accomplished." He besides mentioned the Action “Wisła”, which afraid “a population maintaining UPA”. Very aptly prejudging the Ukrainians' argument in the remainder of the convention, he pointed out that 1 of their objectives was to anonymize the perpetrators. He concluded his speech with a call for congressional participants to condemn the march to honour the SS Galizien 4 days earlier in Lviv, which would be appropriate to the situation of the message of Congress. On the another hand Krzysztof Szwagrzyk, responding to the lies of Szremeta, presented the number of current requests for exhumations, fractional amounts of consents obtained against them and an highly meaningful comparison of thousands of exhumed German soldiers and fewer Polish victims. Finally, he informed the assembly that “IPN representatives were not expected to attend the convention at allIt’s okay. ” However, Polejowski's message weakened the anti-Russian obsession that the Ukrainians should let exhumation to "Take the arguments out of Moscow's hands“who “said” to us, although he is simply a mediocrit, it is simply a surprise to note that we have a common conflict in 1920, as if he did not know that Russia was in Crimea at the time, and the current Kremlin authorities are powerfully reluctant to mention to Lenin’s legacy, while Ukrainians are reluctant to mention the character of Petlura and the agreement in which he reconciled to the Polish – Ukrainian border on Zbrucz. The fact that it is Leninist hatred of Russia and the uprising of the USSR that most of all Ukraine owes to the existence and, above all, huge, beyond the scope of national territory, was besides silent in Congress. An crucial voice in defence of the fact was the speech of the commenting doctor Volynski panel Mariusz Zajączkowski from the Institute of Political Studies (ISP) of the Polish Academy of Sciences, which read an interior paper found in an accidental discovery from the OUN of Chełmsk Oblast dated 27 March 1944 "on the increase of anti-Polish action and political and educational work in Chełmszczyz". Dr Zajączkowski quoted the following passages: “Inspire folk vengeance. Form the ax divisions, the fear of the Lachs. (...) This is simply a task for all: troops within the meaning of UPA, self-defense within the meaning of UNS, later SKW and axers. Watch the methods of labour in Volyn. Do the same at your place. You'll win. decision step by step, hard but carefully and decisively.” Finally, Dr. M. Zajączkowski added: "The paper was published in 2017 and Ukrainian historians had not referred to it in any way until legislature Day". He besides spoke respective times Dr. Marek Warzar – besides with ISP PAN seemingly upset by the complete silence of ideology and D. Doncov's character while suggesting that the ideology of black sotnia prevailed in Ukraine. He pointed out the names of another Ukrainian activists who defined the nation as a biological species, the mixed marriages considered treason and asked if throwing everything at the price of Russian influence would not constitute a convenient alibi. Both of them received reprimands in the form of suggestions that the paper quoted by Zajączkowski was buried at the location of the Russian service, and Warwier was given his young age.
The most tasty, and from the point of view of Poland, the message was false prof. Grzegorz Motyki – co-panelists W. Winder. First he pointed to the Ukrainian threat being ignored by the AK and the attack in July 1943 explained the weakness of the Polish side. He did not negate the "anti-Polish UPA action" and opposed suggesting symmetry in the actions of both parties. However, he spent the most time and energy attacking the president of Polejowski and the Prosecutors of the IPN for inactive holding back the designation of the Action “Wisła” as a communist crime, and even as in the case of the Polejowski speech the day before; they justify it, while it was “penal surgery”. That message was applauded. Half a gag half seriously besides suggested that the ban on exhumation was the work of FSB officers. In turn the second Polish associate of the panel prof. Grzegorz Hryciuk He stated that the statements about the criminal nature of Ukrainians were "curious" and "not within the framework of technological discourse". (such events as the Human massacre and the akin eruptions of criminal cruelty at the legislature did not occur). However, he denied the overwhelming influence of “third strength.” The action to remove Poles was motivated by a misassessment of geopolitical realities. At this point, he compared Ukrainian actions to the calculation of the AK and plans for the universal uprising, creating facts made against the approach of the Red Army. Interesting speech by a lawyer – a prof. Ireneusz Kamiński from the Polish Academy of Sciences, which on the basis of definitions, but above all circumstantial judgments, indicated how global tribunals interpret the word genocide and crime against humanity. It meant that the number of victims is not the most crucial criterion, sometimes there may not even be any case of killings to be granted specified classification, in turn any deportation may be considered a crime against humanity. He besides considered the crucial thought that insisting on circumstantial words is primarily a derivative of Polish feeling of harm and helplessness towards refusal of exhumation.
W. Winder and G. Mo
Related thoughts about common relations emerged during a discussion on the importance of the Parisian Culture for shaping the Polish east Policy. prof. Sławomir M. Nowinowski pointed out that efforts Jerzy Giedroycia in favour of rapprochement with Ukrainians, only a trace response. That the lyrics and broadcasts with the editor John Engelgard We dedicated to overthrowing the unwarranted creation of Giedroyc as the patron of Polish east politics, but most of all, the statements testified Paul Blacksmith. Apparently, he realized that the false usage of the name and authority of the Prince of Maisons-Laffitte to justify a policy harmful to Poland, which he himself, together with almost the full political class, imposes on Poles, is becoming more and more apparent (after our recording and my publications, there has already been a deceptively akin article, under the illusion of a akin title in the weekly magazine “To Things”). Therefore, it is safer to look for supporting authorities elsewhere. In Baranów, specified a individual turned out to be published in “Kultura” by the priest Majewski, inactive selectively treated by Juliusz Mieroszewski himself, but not by anyone another than Pope John Paul II, however, which the Blacksmith modestly "to avoid clericalizing the discussion" titled Wojtyla.
A separate mention should be given in discussing legislature with the prof. Przemysław Żurawski aka Grawski. He spoke most frequently from all Polish participants and could not hide his joy that he participated in this kind of event. The guide was as he himself said showing what was common and clear. So if we did not know history, we could conclude from the professor's statements that, for example, in the anti-Russian uprisings, we were fighting the "ever-old enemy" almost shoulder-to-shoulder, and peculiarly marked by "court goats". Polish partitions were an event comparable to the elimination of the Zaporoska Sicza, due to the fact that the names of both were never to return. (About the fact that the “ever-old enemy” behaved after the Napoleonic wars noble and generously, and the Polish Kingdom, not only on the map, restored, speech) that russian exports should not be combined and Poles should not receive them as Polish, but should recognise that they suffered together with Ukrainians, that in Monte Cassino Cemetery there were besides Orthodox and Unity people, that he had done large deeds in the September 49th firearm Regiment and that it was a Huculian regiment, that at the time of the “symbolically speaking Volynian crime” the erstwhile Ukrainian elites were carried out or murdered, that there was indeed “a conflict”, but the common fate, and in all case the monument of Lenin in Lviv were bricked up remains of Polish and Ukrainian soldiers, “even if not true, it was well invented. (...) Anyway, it is simply a symbol of the triumph of Moscow over our peoples in the event of a short circuit.” And finally, he called schizophrenia the simultaneous worship of the soldiers cursed and the crimes of the government they fought against. specified a crime is, according to him, the Action “Wisła” – a symbol of Polish humiliation, due to the fact that “at Moscow's orders, Poles drove Ukrainians out of their eternal residences”. This is, by the way, a typical example that excludes the art of nuanced reasoning subordinate to political candidates.
During the panel on the transmission of academic cognition in school textbooks a very crucial fact was recalled by the prof. Mirosław Szumiło, Quoting a fragment of the Ukrainian textbook emphatically resembling the thesis preached by W. Windwright. It reads: “(UPA) operated mainly in Volyn and Galicia. In 1943 Roman Szuchewycz headed it. Within 2 years of being in the UPA ranks, 30-40 1000 soldiers joined. UPA activists considered Ukrainian communists, Nazis and Poles to be enemies. The reason for the tightening of Polish-Ukrainian relations were the mass killings of Ukrainians by the National Army. It was an underground Polish army whose management wanted to return to the pre-war borders of Poland. Its victims were the inhabitants of Chełmszczyna, Podlasie, Galicia and Volyn. The bloody Polish-Ukrainian war, followed by not only soldiers but besides civilians, continued until 1947.” This proves that Ukrainian textbooks are spreading to young people The people were precisely the same as he presented in Baranów to Polish historians W. Windowicz.
Minister for Education Barbara Nowacka In connection with specified content, the Ukrainian Manual sent a letter in July 2025 to its Ukrainian counterpart, asking: "She asked Minister Lisowy to act immediately, including a review of another textbooks and the improvement of fresh materials that would correspond to the current Polish-Ukrainian relations". It is not known whether she has received any consequence to this request or whether she has received any response, as in the case of the paper quoted by Dr. M. Zajązkowski was simply ignored.
On the another hand, participants of the legislature besides ignored the President's call for a joint protest against the glorification of Ukrainian criminals from SS Galizien. Apparently, this was treated as a kind of faux pas towards invited guests and something that “should not be spoken out.” The atmosphere of scholarly guests is besides demonstrated by the professor's name Henry Gil, late deceased Wladyslawa Hi “with our Ukrainianophobe”, and yet expressed gratitude to the organizers and hosts of Baranov, who, thanks to the location of the convention at the castle, ensured his safety and prevented the appearance of “conversants of dialogue”
In the course of more than 20 hours of deliberation, interesting facts and sometimes inspiring thoughts were cited in addition to parts of the propaganda. However, these affirmative moments and historical details have always been immersed in the guiding narrative, and possibly inspiring thoughts have never continued, as if fearing politically dangerous areas. The main thesis was readable and in advance subordinate to the political line represented by Paul Kowal, summarized in the celebrated minister's declaration Luke Jasinathat we Poles are “ministers of Ukraine”. In this case, it was about intellectual service and accepting the Ukrainian imagination of history, in which Poland and Ukraine, despite Moscow's attempts to divide us, always united in the fight against the "third force" or "eternal enemy", and so they should now be mobilised to compose another chapter in the "incomplete work of 1920".
Turning to history, this meant that historians and invited guests took on the neckline task of proving through the full chronologically arranged program respective also, which can only be proven without the uncomfortable facts, and above all without asking essential questions, which could in the blink of an eye demolish the full laborious construction.
Thesis of the first 1 in Baranów says that it is modern Ukraine and only Ukraine is the heiress of Rusi Kiev before the Mongol invasion, unlike the Russians who got under Mongolian regulation and since then as S put it. The Sheremet became “hords from the east”. It's like the Mongols spared the Kievs and someway they didn't put a civilization mark on it, and the Ruricovians have continued to regulation over Dnieprem since the mid-13th century, not Moscow. prof. Jerome Gral He spoke in the context of the alleged historical Polish-Ukrainian fraternity about the fact that subsequent Polish kings after the death of Kazimierz Wielki were relatives of Piasts through the Rurykowiczs, as if at the same time the second inactive did not sit on the throne so much that in Moscow, alternatively than Kiev, 1 of them was considered as a candidate for king of Poland in 1587. So there was no speech in legislature about the Perejeslav settlement and the voluntary transition of Ukrainians to the Moscow side. We then had over 300 years of common life of most Ukraine and Ukrainians with the Russians under the sceptre of the Russian Tsars, professing the same religion and speaking the same language, to yet receive immense territory, manufacture and even a substitute for global independency within the USSR. And yet this East, which the Ukrainians so deny, can be seen and heard in their behaviour on Polish streets, is seen in police statistics, in the oligarchization of political and economical life in Ukraine, or even in modern rankings concerning corruption or the number of killings. But as Prof. Hryciuk stated, it would be “unscientific to think about it and do not let God's conclusions be drawn.”
The second thesis concerns a community which is said to unite Polish and Ukrainian nations. To this end, a full arsenal of measures must be utilized to cover up the fact that 1 of these nations has committed genocide on the other, and above all, that he now worships the criminals responsible. Kind of like the Armenians were preaching an eternal relationship with the Turks. To emphasize the unity of our nations in the period of the Republic of both nations, prof. Natalia Starchenko even proposed to popularize specified a linguistic freak as the adjective "Przeczpospolitan". Again; many mixed marriages between the Piasts and the Rurykovichs were rightly cited, only that this is at least an equal argument for the historical community of Poles and Russians. There has been much talk about families and families, about the Kisiel state and the Gente Ruthenus natione Polonus, but not about the full defeat of his politics, not about the fact that since the unfortunate union of Lublin, Russia has been a bleeding wound on the Polish body. Cruel revolts, massacres of prisoners of war like Sarmatian Katyn at Batohem, provoking wars with Turkey and fighting in the east were the beginning of the fall of Poland, wasting its strength on completely incorrect directions in pursuit of unrealistic goals. The culmination of that period was the Humanic slaughter, whose savagery even shocked the initially fueling conflict of Russians. It is besides common for us to call this jagillon policy. During the most powerful period, the Jagiellonians regained access to the Baltic Sea for Poland and ruled in the Czech Republic and Hungary. In the sea of pro-Ukrainian propaganda these facts are completely ignored in the Polish historical and political discourse. Interestingly, this north-south direction of the Polish policy was recommended after 1989 by no 1 another than Jerzy Giedroć. And it would be from the "unscientific" point of view that this policy would be justified by all means, yes, referring even to the past of the baptism of Poland and the wedding. That is why, by abandoning the tragic and unsuccessful experimentation of the "prandial" for such, omitting Ukraine, and building on the cultural community of the north-south Intermortal, it is worth pursuing.
The 3rd thesis speaks of an ancient Russian enemy who, as suggested by prof. Żurawski a.k.a. Grażewski, buried Polish and Ukrainian bones under his own monuments. It is unclear whether the "everlasting" refers to the aforementioned marriages of the Piasts to the Rurykovichs and considering the candidacy of Carewicz Fyodor as a candidate for the throne of Poland. An crucial function in the story of “everlasting” is to identify Lenin and Bolshevik genocidalists with Russianism, (at the convention it was said that Rafał Lemkin He profoundly regretted that due to his alliance with the USSR, his class variant was removed from the definition of genocide) as if Polish historians knew nothing about the hatred that Lenin had against Russia and the Russians, and which resulted in millions of victims, the extermination of the Europeanised elite and the full beautiful layer of Russian intelligence and landownerry, with the martyrdom of the Tsar household at the head. The elite and social layers, with which Polish elites were rather good at communicating.
The diary of Poles from the late 19th century from “On the Edge of an Empire” illustrates this. Mieczysław Jałowiecki at the head, creativity Józef Mackiewicz and about the horror for God of Polish giedroytists even Russian activity and fascinations of Jerzy Giedroyć. Of course, communism marked Russia with its tragic mark, but he made akin ravages in the civilizational foundations of Polish society. However, it was the Russians who suffered the top catastrophes and they yet overcome it. Speaking about the community of fates and not only exports, but above all mass crimes alternatively of gnawing to negating crimes on Ukrainian Poles, Poles could accept the offer that the Russians made in 1990 with Alexander Solzenicin at the head, to make an act of reconciliation in Katyn, For whom they took responsibility, but where there are besides graves of thousands of Russians murdered by the same regime. An unforgettable prof. wrote extensively about it Andrzej Walicki. Polish post of the Polish People's Republic – these elites alternatively of the truth-based reconciliation with the Russians chose based on the fundamental historical and emotional falsity of gnawing to Ukrainians, who deny their crimes, and Polish victims do not even let to bury for fear that besides many women and children can deny lies about the war that was said to be fought in axes. In the clash with Russia, no criteria set by Polish civilization standards appear to apply either, due to the fact that D. Doncov's revolting ideology was justified at the legislature by being directed against Russia. However, the definition of genocide, according to Dr. Sławomir Dębski, the measures of Russia should be extended as far as possible. And another thought at the convention should give the participants a thought. prof. Mr Kempa Discussing the modern era, he mentioned mildly that the partitions were not the partitions of Poland, but the partitions of the Republic of both or 3 nations. Turning to geography, this meant that they were made about in the 18th century according to cultural and spiritual criteria, which later became national. The prof. noted this Lech Mażewski in an interview on the YT channel with Jan Engelgard. The borders of the Russian partition in 1795 coincided about with Curzon's later line, with today's borders of Poland and with the borders of Poland of Pisębowska. It is in itself a fascinating subject on the constancy of geopolitical determinants. The Kingdom of Poland, which was driven out of Polish memory, at the Vienna Congress, pulled out the West in the areas of the erstwhile Prussian and Austrian occupation, due to the fact that the indigenous Poland was demolished by Prussia with Austria. This reminds us a bit of the situation after 1945 only that in 1815 we received from the broadcast of Alexander I 1 of the most liberal regimes, which resulted in a period of economical and civilizational boom. This, however, was not mentioned at the legislature of Polish historians, due to the fact that the “ever-old enemy” could not do specified a thing.
The phenomenon of something that can be called the large absent legislature in Baranów Sandomierski is besides connected with these 3 overly promoted myths. It is Germany and Austria and their function in shaping Polish-Ukrainian relations, but besides Polish-Russian relations. Austria only appeared occasionally. First, prof. Bohdan Hud suggested the fundamental difference between Austria and Russia, due to the fact that Austria is simply a kingdom and Russia is an empire, then it was pointed out that in the 19th century only Polish and German encyclopedias, the mandatory watchful P. Żurawski a.k.a. Grajewski, mentioned the "legend of Austrian intrigue". The circumstantial summary was the proposal Dr. Tomasz Stryjek to make a common Polish-Ukrainian past manual under the aegis of the German foundation. The silence about Germany's presence in the shaping of contemporary Polish politics, Polish media space and many another areas, as you can see, is to include history. In this peculiar context, it was about preventing the emergence of the Polish heads of consciousness, that not only civilization, history, but that we have completely different "eternal enemies", and that any of the authentic enemies of Poland were and again are Ukrainian allies.
Why do Polish scholars agree to company with their own titles and surnames specified as false ones? Why do they avoid perceptively fascinating questions alternatively of putting themselves in a punctuated, correct knee? Why they even impose themselves on Ukrainian scholars with joint reunions and scholarships (Professor Grala in an interview after the legislature noted that Ukrainians were not curious in specified contacts for years before 2022). The answer seems to have a broader than simply opportunistic – life aspect. To any degree it corresponds with prof. Ireneusz Kamiński's message that in a situation of real political impotence, in fact, we have only a humiliating conflict to get individual to apologize to us for having done 1 or another classification of barbaric crimes. This would let us to rationalize the cognitive dissonance felt in the long-term queues to the doctor and the disaster of public finances, which we destruct by helping the country put up statues to the genocidal killers of our countrymen. On the intellectual level, we compensate for the humiliating relation with Russia, and on the historical fairy tales about the eternal Polish-Ukrainian relationship and the common and eternal enemy with which Ukraine "fights for us". I late read with the subtlety of the large lady's memory of her daughter Jerzy Zdzechowski Maria Sapieżyna. highly economical in providing assessments, after returning from more than half an eternal emigration to Poland, she allowed herself to compose that she had the impression that Poland had lost its spirit for the first time in history. I don't know if she realized the historically cruel irony of that statement.
Olaf Swolkień
Photo from legislature in Baranów (profile fb Centrum Mieroszewskiego)
The short version of this text was published in paper edition MP no. 21-22 (24-31.05.2026)
