Following specified a statement, it is not amazing to note on the editorial page the sources of quotes that the president of the European Council wanted to usage in this book. Quotes, of course, very European (from Cioran, through Celan, to Zagajewski) and tailored in the best taste, though ghost writer in a hurry he twisted a fewer things [2]. Equally awesome is the list of painters whose paintings the president wanted to admire in his travels around the planet (beside the banal Memlinga - Tennis the younger; next to Renoir - Isaak Levitan), as well as a list of dishes he wanted to eat (Flander chicken, good salad, duck in Beijing, sometimes to the full happiness of a Brunello glass). He can besides personally arrange the repertoire of the recital of young musicians [3] and mention to Kant [4].
As the word building looked in practice, you can besides see in Donald Tusk's speech during the Athens Democratic Forum (October 2019). The president evidently wanted to delight the hosts, so he told them that Iliad Homer knew "almost by heart" as a child. When, as an adult, he climbed the Acropolis and embraced "one of the columns of Erechtejon," the tears of emotion came to his eyes. [5].
And then, speaking about today's political situation, he recalled the reflections of Tukidides from his Peloponnese War:
It is no coincidence that in the latest issue of the prestigious Polish periodical Political Review, devoted to brexit, you can find essays about Tukidides and his reflections on the concept stasis - this word from ancient Greek means virtually a part or a fraction, and it is utilized in relation to the state of social confusion, chaos resulting from political engulfment and the constant escalation of interior conflicts. Tukidydes described as an example the situation in Kerkyra, where the agreement was impossible for 1 reason, for example, due to the fact that in the fervor of conflict the parties freely changed the meaning of words and reversed the scale of values. Madness and senseless impudence began to be seen as courage; common sense as cowardice, and moderately as conformism. all minute of reflection or reflection was regarded as a manifestation of capitulation or boredom. Sowers of anger, discord, and demolition became political and even moral authorities, and anyone who opposed them in the name of order and reason raised suspicions. [6].
Tukidydes noted that [in] the conditions of confusion human nature prevails over justice. Being an integral part of human nature, emotions and passions are stronger in us than attachment to the laws and principles that we have established; they will always push us towards force and dominance. The most crucial inventions of humanity in politics - democracy, human rights and civilian liberties, global governance, control and balance mechanisms, the regulation of law - all come from our self-awareness of our own nature, as well as from negative past experiences. But only from the past? Aren't we dealing with our own today? stasis, even stronger due to the technological revolution and the mass nature of social phenomena? Does not Europe and the full planet turn into ancient Kerkyra before our eyes?
Writes Tukidides (Pelopone War, III, 81-82:
Such cruelty was caused by the party's struggles; they seemed even crueler due to the fact that it was the first specified accident. Later, if you can say so, the full of Hellada was moved, for in each country there were 2 parties and leaders of the people called for the aid of the Athenians, and the Oligarchs of the Laceyans. In peaceful times there would be no excuse or desire to bring help. However, since the war broke out, those in different cities who sought a coup could easy bring abroad aid to torment political opponents and strengthen their own position. Many severe disasters have besides fallen upon different states due to organization fights, which happen and will always happen as long as human nature remains unchanged, although it may in lesser strength and in another forms, according to changing circumstances. In peaceful times and in the prosperity of both the state and the individual, they follow better principles, due to the fact that they are not under the yoke of necessity; and war, destroying average regular life, is simply a brutal teacher, shaping the passions of the crowd according to the momentous situation. The organization struggles shook the state, and those that later broke out took the function of the erstwhile ones, and the different ideas went much further, both in terms of the cleverness and trickery of bombings and in terms of sophisticated revenge. Many words were besides changed at that time. Unreasonable impudence was regarded as full of sacrifice for friends of courage, cautious abstinence - as seeking a beautiful appearance of cowardice, moderation - as hidden fear, and who, as a rule, advised reason, was considered a comfortable and lazy man; thoughtless impudence was considered a trait of the actual man, and if 1 thought of something calmly, it was thought that he was seeking a convenient pretext to withdraw. He who resented and resented, always found listening, the 1 who opposed him, was a suspect. If a man managed to trap another, he was praised as wise, but the wiser 1 was the 1 who escaped the trap; and if individual so arranged that he did not gotta trap anyone or avoid them, he was considered a traitor to his organization companions and a man afraid of the opposing party. In a word, the man who could escape the man who wanted to harm him and who could persuade the another to do the incorrect took fame. Blood relationships became weaker than organization associations, as a organization friend was more willing to consider bold and ruthless things. Unions of this kind were not made in accordance with existing rights for general benefit, but, contrary to the laws for selfish purposes, common obligations between participants were not based on spiritual rights, but on participation in crime. The right conclusions of political opponents were accepted only if they besides had a crucial advantage alternatively than a feeling of actual trust. It was besides a greater joy to be able to take revenge on individual than to endure no harm from anyone at all. All the arrangements contained in the forced situation and sworn in were of value only until 1 of the parties felt stronger; and on the first occasion, the 1 who gained strength, seeing the defenseless opponent, did not keep the arrangement. alternatively of openly acting hostilely, the agreements were more likely to be broken, not only due to the fact that it did not exposure them to large dangers, but due to the fact that even as a reward for deception it brought fame for cunning. For most people like to be considered as devious impostors alternatively than benevolent merchants: first they boast, the second they are ashamed. The origin of all of this was the desire to reign, seeking to gain wealth and satisfy ambition, and hence the competition broke out, entering the game of passion. Political leaders of 1 organization and the another utilized beautiful slogans, talked about equality between all citizens, or about governments of reasonable aristocracy, but in fact, speaking about the general issue, they fought among themselves for their private interests. utilizing all the methods in their conflict for priority, they dared even the top horrors, and in revenge they did not look at either law or public interest, but only on their own initiative. Whether through unjust judicial judgments or violence, they were willing to satisfy their passions. No organization respected holiness, and those who achieved something unworthy with beautiful words gained a good name. The unpartisan citizens were oppressed by both sides due to the fact that they did not participate in the fight and due to the fact that they were displeased by peace [7].
Earlier in Corkyra there had been fights of bias, but - as Tukidides noted - the measurement of the crime had changed only erstwhile 1 of the parties began to execution under the appearance that their opponents were seeking "to overthrow the democratic system". The noble goals add much more animus to the crowd than to the diagonal private interests. Although, of course, private interests even in specified confusion never go into oblivion. Only that they are then in disguise: either as a defence of democracy, or as a fight for the restoration of the regulation of the intelligent elites, or yet under the motto of equality for all citizens.For Tukidides it was apparent almost twenty-five centuries ago [8]. On the another hand, the mystery of human nature lies in the fact that, although all of this sometimes returns to the phase like the eternal return of the same, besides present in the art of politics inactive works building position by word, and beautiful words invariably find their amateurs.
[End of 2024]
One more not without sincerity quote from the book Honestly., who gained fresh meanings erstwhile yet and for Donald Tusk it was time to deal with opponents under the pretext - as in the days of Tukidydes - of their intentions "to overthrow the democratic system". And as in Tukidides' time, the same "joy made it possible to take revenge on someone", while the avengers "did not look to either the law or the public interest, but were guided solely by their own will." The government in Budapest confirmed that erstwhile Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruewski, who fled the country accused of corruption crimes, was found in Hungary. He's trying to get exile position there. The Hungarian Government has not confirmed what I hear from another sources that it has escaped from Macedonia by car with Hungarian diplomats. I know all the most crucial Macedonian politicians, I have been helping them for many years in their efforts to enter the Union and NATO, they have rather akin views, they are pro-European and pro-Western, but they hatred each another more than politicians in Poland. I have noticed a rule, not only in the east of Europe, that the precedence of fresh power is to put the predecessors in prison as shortly as possible. I'm not certain what the real reason is, is there a request for revenge or justice? (recorded November 16, 2018). Who learned 5 years ago from "Compromise" about the teachings Donald Tusk from Tukidides drew, should not be amazed at the political spheres that are taking place today.[1] Donald Tusk, Honestly., Agora Publishing House, Warsaw 2019, p. 12; evidence dated November 30, 2014. I'm inactive quoting as Honestly.. Nb. the context, possibly not intended, is for this conviction an earlier conviction from the front of this book, that "in today's public space 1 hears first of all those who lie loudly, without scruples, on all subject and do not wait with their communicative for the right time, due to the fact that for them it counts today" (p. 5).
[2] The Polish title of Cioran's book is The Unfavorable BirthNot "birth". Quote from Bob Dylan and Sam Shepard Brownsville Girl in the sources of quotes was described as a quote "from the ballad of Leonard Cohen and Sam Shepard «Brownsville Girl»". However, an earlier quote from Anthem Leonard Cohen ("Gosia and I loved his songs") was not included at all. In turn, the quote in the September 20, 2016 evidence ("The top moral danger is not that we can become a victim, but that we can become a perpetrator or a mute witness") does not come from the book Black Earth Timothy Snydera, but Bloodied Earth the author.
"The moral threat is not that we could become a victim, but that we could be a perpetrator or a stare." Bloody lands. Europe between Hitler and Stalin, from English translated Bartłomiej Pietrzyk, The planet of Books, Warsaw 2011, p. 431).
In the original:
"The moral danger, after all, is never that 1 might become a victim but that 1 might be a perpetrator or a bystander" (Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands. Europe Between Hitler and Stalin, Basic Books, fresh York 2010, p. 400).
Also this. Honestly. As the title of the book, I think it was suggested not most fortunately, due to the fact that where the diplomatic sincerity of the author to earlier uncompromisingly sincere confessions of his wife:
"Mrs. Margaret must look after her husband at all. «Unwavering assurance is simply a bad quality. So, if necessary, I will remove my husband from my satisfaction. I prove to him how miserable he is». Nevertheless, “he is mandible”, or “walks and mends: butter is not removed from the fridge again. Or, so discouraged, he looks at me and says, "But you have thick legs." In addition, Mrs Margaret’s husband « erstwhile liked to drink. He was getting cranky at the time. He kept asking, "Do you love me?" Or he cried that nobody loved him. Now she is watching out» - she breathes with relief Mrs Margaret. Then he states: «The husband is not caring. Rather, it requires care»" (Bogusław Mazur, Ryszard Kamiński, Marriage favour - wives of politicians about their husbands, "Wprost" 2001, No. 20, p. 70).
Nb. Simone de Beauvoir quotes a case that shows that specified an insatiable male remark about legs can then have very serious consequences.
"Another young female confides to me from a series of tense disorders, especially from a complete cold... On the wedding night, erstwhile he revealed her, he would cry out, «O dear, what short and thick legs you have!», and then he entered the company, during which he left her completely insensitive and which caused her only pain... She knew perfectly well that the reason for her coldness was the insult suffered on her wedding night" (Simone de Beauvoir, Second sexVolume II: The evolution of women, the situation, the justification and the liberation, translated by Maria Lesniewska, Literary Publishing House, Kraków 1972, p. 143.
[3] "Dong-Hyek Lim is simply a young, highly talented winner of many piano competitions. His recital is my bow to 1 of the Asian countries. I cared about the presence of the Polish theme, so I personally chose the repertoire. Frederick Chopin, first the nocturnal op. 9 no. 2, then the prelude and yet of course the etude op. 10 no. 12, Revolutionary. The second attraction of the evening was the performance of the string quartet of the European Youth Orchestra. It is created by Belgian and Spanish, Portuguese and Polish. I besides had to interfere with the repertoire" (Honestly., p. 299; entry dated October 20, 2018).
[4] "I'm ending Kant. If the constitution is good, then even erstwhile the devil rules, people can handle it. seemingly Kant didn't realize that the devil might have a constitution somewhere" (Honestly., pp. 338, 340; evidence dated May 3, 2019).
In fact, Kant meant something else, but the politician does not mention Kant's name for the intent of hosting a philosophical seminary for the public, but to assure her that he is simply a high-class intellectual. So just for the sake of order, let me remind you of this paragraph from Kant's eternal peace trial:
«The problem of organising the state is Solution, speaking plainly, even to a nation of devils [ein Volk von Teufeln] (if only they have reason) and would express themselves as follows: "In specified a way that a certain number of intelligent beings, who, for their survival, collectively request universal rights, each of whom is secretly inclined to evade them and so organize their system, so that, regardless of the opposites of their private motives, the second are held back by each another so much that in public relations between them the consequence would be as if they had no evil motive at all." A problem specified as this must be solved, for it is not about moral improvement of man, but about the mechanics of nature to be known how he would be able to apply to men, so that the contradictions of their unfriendly tendencies so [within] the people correct that they themselves enslave 1 another to subject themselves to the laws of force and thus realize the state of peace in which the laws have power» (Immanuel Kant, To the eternal peace. Philosophical Project, translated Mirosław Irony [in:] Idem, Works collected, Volume VI: Letters After 1781, technological Publishing home of Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń 2012, p. 355; honors Kanta; nb. in the erstwhile translation of Felix the Visitor, this paragraph is the superior of the frail and illegible).
[5] message by president Donald Tusk during the Athens Democratic Forum Party to the European Council. I corrected 1 apparent typo.
For example, these ruins in Acropolis are just ruins and commemorative European junk that can only be shed with tears, due to the fact that according to Donald Tusk, the future belongs to China:
"We go from the airport to the hotel empty highways and streets, there is no surviving soul, as in any catastrophic discipline fiction film. It appears that the authorities have given residents compulsory weekly leave of absence and have given everyone a ‘retirement voucher’ of considerable value to be realised only outside Hangzhou. All the robots in the city were interrupted, and factories within a 100-kilometre radius stopped production to improve air quality. Anyone else doubts whose future belongs?" (Honestly., p. 155; entry dated September 5, 2016).
[6] The last 3 sentences of this paragraph Donald Tusk almost precisely repeated in the book (Honestly., p. 390; evidence dated October 9, 2019) preceded by the words: "I callback Tukidides", but ghost writer I guess he wasn't certain if it was a quote and from where it was quoted, due to the fact that in a note about the sources of Tukidydes' quotes there's no one.
Nb. Kerkyra is fresh Greek, Tukidydes wrote about Corkyr.
[7] Tukidides, Pelopone War, from Greek translated, foreword and footnotes covered Kazimierz Kumaniecki, Reader, Warsaw 2003, pp. 181-183.
[8]Nb. extremist conclusions from this cognition she drew (as usual) Simone Weil:
"Party is simply a device for producing collective passion. [...] Collective passion is the only energy that the parties dictate to lead propaganda outside and to exert force on the soul of each member.
No 1 denies that the organization spirit blinds the deaf to justice, that even the honest 1 leads to the cruelest ferociousness toward the innocent. No 1 denies it, and yet even thinks about abolishing the organization that produces specified a spirit" (Simone Weil, Comments on the full abolition of the parties, translated El. i., "Cultura" 1950, No. 4, p. 19, p. 27).
