The first half of November is traditionally a time of reflection and reflection, including on national issues. besides this year, with the upcoming independency Day frequently appearing in public discussions and press statements, the subject is the attitude to national thought and its main creator – Roman Dmowski.
Most often, on specified occasions, especially authors and mainstream publicists, they present various kinds of accusations and complaints to the leader of the National Democracy, with obscurantism at the head. There are besides numerous, more or little accurate, analogies with the present, resulting in the insertion of 1 of modern politicians in "Dmowski's shoes". In fresh years, this function has been most common Jarosław Kaczyński. This is especially the aim of writers and publicists about left-wing and liberal prowess. This time the voice was taken by a Catholic journalist, associated alternatively with conservative environments Tomasz P. Terlikowski. In the article entitled “A fresh communicative about Poland is needed” (“Plus Minus”, 5-6. 11. 2023) it combines both of the above mentioned trends. On the 1 hand, he accuses the author of the work “Church, nation and state” of anachronism, while on the another he clearly compares it with the leader of the Law and Justice.
Terlikowski's text opens a neat summary of the selection of quotes from Dmowski in 1927 of this booklet with Kaczyński's public speeches. Their common denominator is to be a constatuation on undermining the foundations of the culture of modern nations, based mostly on the Christian tradition and on the offensive of nihilism along with this process. Terlikowski writes: “The proponents of Roman Dmowski’s thought (which I do not belong to and never counted) can say that the reason why his reasoning is inactive present is his actuality, or possibly his professional dimension. Nothing more wrong. The age since the publication of the programme brochure “Church, Nation and State” shows alternatively how anachronistic it is to think. It is not actual that where Catholicism disappears, where the Christian model of values decays, nihilism inevitably arises."
Trying to identify an alternate that could become a fresh foundation in the post-Christian world, Terlikowski cites systems based on another values, including laity ones and referring to another spiritual traditions. In the following part of the article, writing about the rudimentary components of Polish identity, Terlikowski mentions: east Christianity, Greek Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Reformation, Polish Judaism, Islam, Christian and anti-clerical traditions of the folk movement, the stream of Christian socialism and Polish romanticism.
Dmowski's thought is, according to the publicist, a basic intellectual inspiration for a large part of the contemporary camp of the Polish right, effectively replacing John Paul II's legacy in this role, which Terlikowski deplores. The anachronism of Dmowski's thoughts, according to Terlikowski, is dangerous present for both Polish Catholicism and the state itself. For Catholicism, due to the fact that it hinders or even prevents the evangelization of individuals separated from the faith, condemning them to loneliness or submission to coercion, frequently state. For the state, due to the fact that it excludes beyond authoritative brackets a increasing group of citizens, for whom Christianity is no longer a value, and besides an expanding number of Polish residents who are not cultural Poles. Among the second Terlikowski lists mainly refugees from Ukraine.
In conclusion, Terlikowski states that “we must retell the past of Poland, exposure another elements of Poland, and reinterpret those on which emphasis was placed during the fight for independence. (...) to tell our history, including the past of not always easy and apparent relations between the Church and the state and society, to ourselves again. possibly from a different perspective. This is simply a better way than the constant – conscious or not – to appeal to Roman Dmowski's anachronistic thought.”
The writer “Plus Minus” in his article undoubtedly fits into the discussion on the shape, place and character of the contemporary national community of Poles. It is besides hard not to get the impression that from Catholic positions he attempts to legitimize the process that has been a part of liberal and leftist environments for a long time. This process aims to deconstruct the existing model of the national community. An crucial component of this phenomenon is the absoluteization of all kinds of diversity. The difference between Terlikowski and liberal mainstream is that it advocates only multiethnicity, multi-denomiality and multi-religiousity, while it omits sex and sexual diversity. However, treating various types of minorities as an effective remedy for all problems of modern Poland seems to be as wishful reasoning as the utopian. Minorities objectively be and no 1 rationally denies this, but it seems crucial to specify the relation with them and the place and function they occupy and full.
From this point of view, both the achievements of Dmowski and the full National Democracy camp seem to be noteworthy besides today. The reality of the national camp before 1939 was a multiethnic and multi-denominational state. Was Poland a stronger and better functioning country? I think that's a rhetorical question. The main political forces in the first years of the functioning of the Second Polish Republic were the attitude to the place of national minorities in the restored country. Should the host have rights equivalent to number representatives? Today's Polish interior divisions are nothing compared to the constant revolutions which were shaken by the pre-war state, and whose crucial grounds were national conflicts. It should besides be remembered that the multiethnicity of then Poland had its tragic consequences besides during planet War II. All of this clearly indicates the importance of a homogenous state in both national and spiritual terms. A value to be appreciated, protected and nurtured today.
A separate issue is the alleged anachronism of the expression of Catholicism promoted by R. Dmowski. In his assessment, of course, it is essential to take account of differences between the modern Church and Poland, and those from a 100 years ago. The very turn of the leading ideologist of National Democracy towards Catholicism was besides not deprived of any current reckoning.. 1 of them was to delineate the desired direction of the evolution of the Polish national thought so that it did not deviate either towards pagan nationalism (Germany) or excessive worship of the state (Italy). However, leaving aside the motivations of the leader of the national camp, it is worth asking whether the contemporary description of the condition of culture, morality and religion is so different from the diagnosis formulated by Dmowski in the late 1920s? I think it's just in minus. The expected alternate to the "anachronous imagination of Dmowski" proposed by Terlikowski is so vague and enigmatic that it cannot be a permanent foundation for contemporary Poland. This lasting foundation can only be based on the constitutional values for the community, which R. Dmowski wrote about in specified a figurative way in the brochure “Church, Nation and State”.
Maciej Motas
Think Poland, No. 47-48 (20-27.11.2022)
