Political thought is charged with idealistic conviction that the Polish State, in its subsequent historical and systemic editions, deserves peculiar consideration from another geopolitical units, especially the powers.
As a consequence of the dismemberment bondage, the story of self-sacrifice and sacrifice for others (according to the lelewel slogan “for our freedom and for your freedom”) has developed, which emphasizes the maximalistic expectations of gratitude and loyalty on the part of strangers. The individual and heroic participation of Poles in the national and liberation wars of the United States, the Napoleonic era or the People's Spring, not to mention the mass and equally heroic participation on the fronts of planet wars in the 20th century, is an excellent food for claims and even demands to treat Poland in a peculiar way.
However, according to tradition, realistic powers are primarily guided by their interests, regardless of sentiments and altruisms. The policy of the powers is to match goals to real circumstances (Realpolitik), even erstwhile this is at the expense of weaker partners or allies. Their obligations are always temporary and undergo dramatic revisions due to changing reality.
However, this situation gives emergence to natural disappointments and feelings of harm among the weaker participants in global relations. They are related to Witold Modzelewski's popular political-historic metaphor, utilized in the Polish national discourse for over a 100 years – the "trading of the West towards Poland" ("Poland-Russia". Are we to be “the 4th betrayal of the West”?”, Warsaw 2025). I am stressing the metaphorical nature of this phenomenon, as the "treason" is not an explanatory category in global relations. Rather, it is simply a metaphor from the sphere of social relations between people, operating on the grounds of morality and emotion.
Betrayal in a dictionary sense is simply a conscious violation of an oath, a deviation from standards, values or ideas adopted in a given group. In the planet of politics, the concept of betrayal of the state (also the main betrayal), referring to the act that reconciles the existential foundations of the state, is known. It is simply a crime (crime) against the vital interests of the state, its independence, the full territorial or constitutional political system. In various legal systems, the highest penalties are foreseen for treason. In Poland, these issues are governed by the Criminal Code in Article 127, providing for penalties for 10 years in prison for life. Another concept is diplomatic betrayal (Article 129, respectively).
Historical connotations of "trails"...
have, above all, an interior dimension, dating back to the Targowice confederation – a magnate conspiracy of 1792. Since then, the name Targowice has become synonymous with national treason, threatening the real demolition of the state. The paradox is that each of today's political camps on the political phase is playing against the second argument of "failure", which in fact means a suspicion of collaboration with external protectors and counting on their support if necessary.
Both sides of the duopol Civil-Law and Justice Coalition perceive as average external support for their candidates for the highest positions in the state. This does not origin peculiar protests or outrage. Rather, it proves the weaknesses and vulnerability of Polish political elites, the deficiency of their interior sterilism and their unbelief in self-responsibility. The sources of this are in the Polish People's Republic erstwhile opposition forces came out of the belief that the anti-communist and anti-Soviet West could effectively support them in their confrontation with the then power. In changed geopolitical conditions, seeking support from the same external protectors led to self-determination. It is worth noting that there have never been so many accusations in public space about faithful American, German, Russian or Israeli affiliations of major political forces and their notes.
In global relations, betrayal refers to a hostile policy, most frequently involving an open or secret reversal of allied obligations. The resulting cognitive dissonance means that each organization perceives the contradiction between declarations and standards and the facts differently. The purely self-interested nature of the commitments adopted under circumstantial circumstances of law and political commitment is out of the question. The betrayer usually has nothing to object to, and the betrayed 1 remains disappointment and a sense of harm.
Historian Andrzej Nowak published in his 2015 book "First Betray of the West", referring to the politics of large Britain and parts of the Western elite during the Polish-bolshevik War, which were ready to trade the destiny of Poland ("First Betray of the West. 1920 – forgotten appeasement", Kraków 2015. The second betrayal involves September 1939 and the consequences of the regulation of the large 3 of Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam. In particular, the Yalta conference cites as an example of the utmost treatment of Poland, "redicated to the russian sphere of influence". At the same time, it is forgotten that all the conditions of the rooms known from past that lay at the foundation of the fresh geopolitical orders were dictated by the winners. The 3rd betrayal of the West is the acquisition of Poland after 1989 under neocolonial curate. Poland has again become a pawn in the strategy of forces, a market, a region of inexpensive work, not a full partner.
The 4th betrayal of the West is happening before our eyes. erstwhile again, the safety guarantees are blown, declarations are made for growth, and the credibility of the commitments is compounded by increasing mistrust. The usage of the metaphor of "failure" does not, unfortunately, make it easier to realize the changing motivations of power activities. In an era of open crises and hot conflicts about global implications, accusing the West of another betrayal becomes a convenient way to shift work for the deficiency of its own farsighted policy.
Poland, like another European countries, faced a "double shock" caused on the 1 hand by the cut-off of the U.S. from the war in Ukraine and on the another hand by the actual denunciation of US commitments under the North Atlantic alliance. It is based on collective solidarity, guaranteed in the event of assault on any associate of the coalition. No 1 expected that there might be a situation where the alliance leader would go against the others and change Russia's qualification from enemy to partner in the power game. In light of Donald Trump's disinvolvement, NATO is on the verge of maintaining its effectiveness. This makes obsession with allied betrayal for Russia return with double force.
Sources of Western betrayal...
are in various spheres – national egoisms, cynical interests, but besides natural advantages in competing for power status. The countries of Central and east Europe have been in past alternatively than the subject of imperialist games. In the 17th century Poland was called “God's Games” (Krzysztof Opaliński) erstwhile the then powers gained dominance in the mediate of Europe. Rzeczpospolita has never existed as an crucial and independent associate in the post-westfalz system, which is why in Western textbooks we find trace information about this part of the planet throughout history.
So there are inactive complexes of compatriots resulting from the peripheral position in the western system. They affect the sense of separateness and even alienity, not to mention inferiority. The common identity of the Western is missing. The West is seen by the prism of myths and fantasies, wishfulness and desire. In the collective imagination there exists as a monolithic set in which common civilizational features prevail over regional distinctness. However, the concept of the West is understood differently in a geopolitical and organization dimension, but in a cultural or spiritual dimension. The concept of the West includes Japan, and Turkey, although they belong to another civilizations and only seemingly share values with Old Europe.
In Poland's approach to the West, the organization component dominates – the alliance and integration of NATO and the European Union. However, in political discourse, the dichotomia "we and them" resonates, indicating a weak binding in Community culture. This reflection is besides confirmed by the reception of Poland in the West. In many places and situations 1 can feel that not everywhere they recognise Poles as equal members of the community. possibly that's why, in order to become credible, we escape premeditation from our first Slavic and Central European identity.
Despite attempts to reconcile unity and diversity, it is hard to neglect to announcement that economical exchange, political cooperation, travel, tourism and migration have not spontaneously produced a common imagination of the world. Inherited and passed on from generation to generation of resentment and resentment, fueled by nationalistic doctrines and political movements. Especially Polish-German relations are full of specified associations.
Disappointment comes from a sense of immense asymmetry of wealth and civilizational distances and differences in safety strategies. Unfortunately, Poland has never entered into the ‘balance of power’ strategy with its possible and resources. In particular, the British and French traditions supply many examples of how smaller and weaker countries were played in order to bring as many benefits as possible. The protection and treatment of weaker countries is inactive on the agenda.
“Safety” fetish
Countries of the "average rank", specified as Poland, are making quite a few effort to prove that their possible may be applicable in the balance of allies. This is served by arms mobilisation, which, however, is not able to guarantee full safety for the country in a very dangerous or threatened global environment. For everything is determined by the ratio of forces which cannot be changed for nonsubjective reasons. Geopolitical determinism is inexorable here. For this reason, it is false to believe that gigantic reinforcements will automatically make Poland safe.
Especially due to the fact that Western betrayal syndrome remains a permanent burden on Polish national psyche. This is due to the hard structural conditions of the hierarchically organised global system. Poland is not an independent (internal) player (such as Neosmanian Turkey), due to the fact that its safety is based on a ‘bandwagon’ strategy, i.e. joining 1 strong protector (i.e. USA). This refuge under the “parasol” of the largest power is subject to all external interests and interior political divisions in the state. However, the West is torn between the Hegemonic (Atlantic) option related to the power of America, and the European (continental) option seeking support in the European Union, and indeed in the France-Germany-UK triangle. This divided is the origin of tensions and dilemmas, especially during the crises we are witnessing.
The exit from the traps on Poland is to build an autonomous doctrine of security, which will let for a fresh definition of neighbourhood priorities and to revise harmful antinomes, especially mindless antagonism in relations with Russia and Belarus. It is peculiarly damaging that Poland has become a hostage to the West's ideological mission against Russia, even erstwhile the US changes its position on this matter. Her neoprometeism, neo-jagiellonicism, or irrational rusophobia are a dense burden in search of any modus vivendi in Western relations with Russia.
The condition to avoid further disappointments is to resign the ruling global roles attributed to Poland by the West. It is an highly hard task and dangerous intellectual operation, threatening to "lost face". It is not without reason that the leaders of the largest political groups are anxious to look at the “anti-system” parties (both confederations) due to the fact that only they will be able to revise the existing strategy and policy.
The aim is to reject the roles of the scout, provocateur and instigator of war, to place themselves in the position of Western “rigle” towards Russia, the “clin” between Russia and Germany, and the zealous defender of NATO’s “eastern flank” and the “front state” as an armed exposition of the West. This involves moving distant from the “narrow tunnel” thinking, based on militarisation and the application of a harmful competitive strategy. The safety of the state besides depends on effective diplomacy, cooperation and cooperation and accommodation, and, if necessary, on avoiding. The usefulness of this scope of resources in relations between the BRICS and the Global South is evident.
Connect and not share
Looking from a constructivist perspective, Poland could usage many fresh ideas on itself, becoming a real ‘centre’ of Europe. We request to return to initiatives in the area of merger, not sharing, closing conflicts and not herbing. 1 decision to shut down the Ukrainian supply centre would suffice here.
In order to avoid further disappointments, 1 must get free of the false awareness that Poland is the most crucial protector of Ukraine from the Western broadcast. There is no evidence that the "coalition of the willing" provides for Poland any peculiar preferences or benefits in post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. It is certain that all infrastructure investments will be based on loans, so Polish companies will be dependent on government aid. This means Poland's further debt to Ukraine, which is met with social opposition, as these loans are not repayable. The Polish authorities request to know present that the top benefits in Ukraine will be achieved by those who have mastered the resources of this country, from agricultural land to natural materials and control industrial centres. tiny or possibly the most crucial function in this area of business is played by Germany, which does not hide their appetites.
Despite various adversities, and in defence of another betrayal of the West, Polish governments will stick to the Ukrainian issue even if it is to do more harm than good. The Polish rulers are afraid of remaining with their problems without the support of Western countries, especially erstwhile the power in the position of subsequent elections can dominate the anti-European right. For this reason, the continuation of the war in Ukraine is in the interest of today's authorities, as they can endanger society with a continuous threat from Russia, and in the West keep a conviction of their reliability and irreplaceability.
UkraPol Spectre
At present, the voices about the Polish-Ukrainian alliance have gone silent, but this does not mean that in government circles, different formats of rapprochement are not designed after the war ended either way. For many, post-war reconstruction would be an impetus to a lasting link between the 2 countries with a network of common transport, logistics and economical interests.
Obstruction with flagism as a state ideology, taking on more and more financial commitments, or resignation of the Polish side from the settlement of Ukrainians with tragic history, are signs of expanding recognition of Polish governments with interests of the Kiev establishment. This is an insurance measurement against loneliness, in case Europe leaves Ukraine after the United States. Already today, there are many indications that Russia will accomplish its main objective, i.e. preventing Ukraine from joining the North Atlantic alliance. It will hold its territorial achievements and will influence the political strategy that will arise in Ukraine after the conflict.
Contrary to Russia's strengthening of the global power system, Poland will not quit its “messianism” and “back to the East”. It is primarily about utilizing the nationalist Ukraine to consolidate anti-Russian activities in the Baltic-Black Sea area. In this combination there is no place for any rationality, that is to say, the search for convergent interests with the Russian Federation. There is besides no discussion at this phase of war on any normalization of relations, let alone reconciliation.
Prof. Stanisław Bielen
Think Poland, No. 13-14 (29.03-5.04.201026)
