State for June 2026.
🔘 Part I: How Sławomir Mentzen became president again — phase after stage
Stage 0⃣: Deletion from the registry (21 November 2025)
The communicative begins with a disaster caused by a full partict of organization leaders. On 21 November 2025, the Warsaw territory Court struck out fresh Hope from political organization records — the reason was the failure to submit a financial study for the year 2024. The organization appealed against the sentence, but the judgement was not final, so the technically grouping of Sławomir Mentzen — formally — ceased to be in the register.
Stage 1⃣: Establishment of the "technical" organization — Empire Counterattacks (13 November 2025 – 7 January 2026)
NN activists acted before the conviction was passed — as early as 13 November 2025 they applied to court for registration of a fresh organization under the working name of the Empire Counterattacks (referring to the title of the 5th part of Star Wars). The court registered it on 7 January 2026. The formal president of the IK was the press spokesperson of NN and Confederacy Wojciech Machulski. Mentzen was not officially in the fresh party.
The plan was simple: if the court had yet deleted the NN, the fresh group would have taken over the full organisational achievements and — crucial — would have maintained continuity under the same name.
Stage 2⃣: Connection legislature — February 21, 2026
Mentzen convened the legislature of the Old fresh Hope on 21 February 2026, at 1 p.m., Warsaw. Earlier, at 12:00 a.m., a gathering of the National Council took place, which took a directional decision on the matter. About 700 delegates from all over the country went to Warsaw. The vote itself was de facto 1 thing: joining fresh Hope into the Empire organization Counterattacks.
The delegates supported the call. Machulski's spokesperson commented, "You can say we outsmarted the system."
It is worth noting that the convention was not an IK legislature — it was a legislature of the old NN that decided to enter the IK structure. The name of the fresh organization was to be changed to "New Hope" only after the formalities had been completed.
Two days later, on 23 February 2026, an application was received to the territory Court in Warsaw to change the name to "The Income Tax" — a political joke, and at the same time a step essential to release the name "New Hope" for the fresh entity. In order for the Empire to counterattack to accept that name, the old organization had to give it up.
Stage 3⃣: Appointment of Mentzen — mechanics without democratic choice (February–March 2026)
Here comes the transitional provisions of the fresh Statute (Chapter VIII, Article 31). The statutes shall contain the following provisions:
"As shortly as the organization is established, the 3 organization representatives submitting it to the political organization records, shall elect the organization President. The president of the organization may appoint: 1) the remaining national authorities of the Party, their members and their interior and ancillary bodies ..."
In another words, the first national authorities were not elected by Congress, but simply appointed by the President. Machulski as the formal president of the IK appointed Mentzen. No delegate vote, no congress. "Rzeczpospolita" wrote straight about "the powers unknown in another formations".
PAP noted on 23 March 2026 that Mentzen "is to replace Machulski as president" — the change was inactive formally not approved by the court. Bartłomiej Pejo calmed down: "The court will shortly adopt a change of name and authority. These are purely bureaucratic issues." Eventually, the court registry featured the entry: Sławomir Mentzen — President, with the erstwhile NN (listed as "Affiliated Tax").
🔘 Part II: Changes in the Authorities — what the archive of the freedom page says .pl
The following findings are based on a comparison of the 3 snapshots of the Wayback device organization party party.
National Management Board — No personnel changes
Both before and after the Congress, the composition of the National Board remains identical:
➡️ Sławomir Mentzen — President
➡️ Konrad Berkowicz — Vice president (previously: I Vice President)
➡️ Bartłomiej Pejo — Vice President
➡️ Krzysztof Rzoniec — Vice President
➡️ Marcin Sypniewski — Vice President
➡️Bartosz Bocheńczak — Secretary
The only subtle change: Berkovich's title — "I Vice President" — disappeared. The fresh charter does not hierarchize vice presidents, so all 4 now have the equivalent title "Vice-ress".
National Council — a major territorial reorganisation
This is the biggest structural change on the page. The old NN statute provided for regions (several units covering respective voivodships), the fresh IKNN statute introduces districts corresponding straight to 41 constituencies to the Sejm.
They vanish from, among others:
➡️ Robert Grzechnik (President of the Lower Silesian-Opolskie Region)
Mr Bartosz Wozniak (President of the Kujawsko-Pomorskie Region)
➡️ Bartłomiej Pejo (President of the Lublin Region — but remains Vice president of the Management Board)
➡️ Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik (President of the Mazovia Region)
➡️ Marcin Możdźnik, Grzegorz Nowowiejski, Dariusz Olech, Patryk Marjan, Michał Połuboczek, Adam Zychowicz, Bronisław Foltyn, Robert Mędlewski.
New functions appear — Presidents of 41 Districts, among others:
➡️ Anna Świergocka (Powarszawski territory — fresh unit)
➡️ Jakub Czarnota (Rzeszowski district)
➡️ Miłosz Kawalkowski (Opolski District)
➡️ Bartosz Hawryluk (Chelm district)
➡️ Adam Truszyński (Zielonogórski district)
➡️ Paweł Przystawa (Wroc3aw territory — remains, but now in a fresh position)
➡️ Przemysław Wipler (Warsaw territory — unchanged)
It besides disappears from the list of members of the Karina Zaborowska Council, visible in the snapshots before the congress.
An crucial method remark arising straight from the fresh Statute: The Presidents of the Districts shall form part of the National Council without the right to vote. On the another hand, 41 members of the Council elected by legislature have the right to vote, meaning that the list of territory presidents on the site present has a purely informative value, not a decision-making value.
The organization Court — the biggest change in personnel
It's an area where the difference is the most striking.
Before the legislature (until 17 February 2026):
➡️ Radosław Czosnowski — President
➡️ Michał Błaszczak
➡️ Arkadiusz Straśniewski
➡️ Michał Leniowski
➡️ Maciej Popławski
➡️ Grzegorz Skala
➡️ Paweł Zwolinski
— a full of 7 persons
After the legislature (since 19 March 2026):
➡️Paul Zwolinski
➡️ Michał Błaszczak
➡️ Arkadiusz Straśniewski
— only 3 people
They left: Czosnowski (President!), Leniowski, Popławski, Rock. Only 3 people survived from the erstwhile lineup. The fresh Statute (Article 21) continues to supply 7 seats in the Court of First Instance — the current state so means either incomplete constitution after the Congress, or informed decision to fill only 3 posts (vacations are supplemented by the National Council).
It is worth noting that the fresh statute besides changes the rule of supplementing the composition of the Court of First Instance: the old NN statute provided for co-optation by the Court of First Instance itself, the fresh 1 giving the law to the National Council — which means greater control of the office over the judicial body.
Review Commission — Elimination of the body
Before the congress, the Review Committee was listed on the website as a separate body, composed of 6 people: Jacek Korwin-Mikke (and: Alicja Łucka, Mateusz Nowak, Krystian Pustula, Michał Sokolnicki, Krystian Wiak)
After the convention, the Review Committee disappears completely — and this is full justified in the fresh charter. IKNN Statute lists the national authorities of the parties: Congress, National Council, National Board, organization president and organization Court. The Audit Committee does not be at all as an authority in the fresh statute — it is simply a financial control body that Mentzen simply did not take into account erstwhile creating the fresh structure. The disappearance of Korwin-Mikke from the party's authorities is so a consequence not of individual conflict but of the liquidation of the position itself as such.
New elements invisible on the website, but resulting from the fresh statute
The IKNN Statute introduced respective institutions which do not appear on the list of authorities on the site but function in the background:
➡️ organization Discipline Ombudsman — appointed by the President, has the right to bring disciplinary action to the organization Court
➡️ organization Treasurer — separated as a separate function (press secretary Wojciech Machulski, mentioned in the website's footer as a contact for the media, besides acts as president of the "technical" IK until formal takeover)
The president gains the right to receive and remove members independently without the requirements and to administer disciplinary penalties of 1 individual — powers unknown in any another major Polish political party.
✅ Summary: formal equivalence, real centralization
Operation with the Counterattack Empire was a purely method maneuver. The organization retained the name, structure, MPs, wealth and continuity. The full maneuver closed in just over 3 months: from the cancellation of the NN (21 November 2025) by the merger legislature (21 February 2026) to the formal approval of the changes by the court (the breakthrough of March and April 2026).
However, the side effect of the full operation is simply a fresh qualitatively structure of power: the Review Commission liquidated, the Partition Court shrunk to 3 people and supplemented by the National Council, and the first bodies appointed — literally, by means of transitional provisions — by the President, without democratic vote. The charter sounds like a paper written for a peculiar individual in a circumstantial position.
In this way, a purely chiefist organization was formed, in which Mentzen is king, tyrant, dictator, tsar. This is his private farm. No 1 can jump him, no 1 can criticize him, no 1 can screw him. That means the organization will be all BMWs and only those will be accepted.
In my opinion, it bodes a full defeat of the freelour. There's no reasonable organization like this. Why? No wage is paid for membership, you gotta pay contributions, and in order to accomplish anything, you should be a good friend of Mentzen's, or any of his court's. But if you've got that kind of walk, why be in the party?
The organization does not have any meaningful staff at its disposal, continuous splits and building structures again (which is now a 100 times) have wiped out old, good proven activists (or they have left themselves, or their Mentrzyn has thrown out), so erstwhile it comes to drafting electoral lists, especially in local elections, they will inactive be caught.
The best strategy is akin to what Nicholas Pisarski does. He maintains a good relation with Mentzen, does him as an expert, and organization activities request not defile, no signatures will be collected, posters will not stick, and he will inactive get a good place on the lists.
This is good news, I will definitely vote for Nicholas, as he will be on the Warsaw list, but this way he will get into the business of many career leaders who do not know and realize ASE. Santa can't aid himself. Mentzen imitates Tusk and follows the PO road, so Santa will end up like Rokita anyway. And the free men will wake up again in the black Social Democratic ass.
Grzegorz GPS Swiderski
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