On May 12, 1926, Józef Piłsudski launched a military coup, which 3 days later, after bloody fighting in Warsaw, led to the resignation of the then president, Stanisław Wojciechowski, of his office, and to the resignation of the Wincent Witos government.
Soon in the parliament Piłsudski lapidarly characterized his political system: "I am making an effort to regulation Poland without a whip." The Second Republic, having adopted the basic law in March 1921, wanted to be the heir of the Constitution on 3 May. Atoli both spring suffocations of democratic will – both from 1791, and from 1921 – rapidly struck and minted the obstruction, marking the pre-modern Sarmatian habitus. Parliamentary democracy after 1921 lost itself in organization feuds. It was written by a Pilsudian. Władysław Pobóg-Malinowski“ The constant phenomenon was the instability of all majority [in the Sejm], and all government feared to act in the most burning matters, for these were the disputed and threatened to fall. (...) Uncontrollable power and guidance in the affairs of the state were given into the hands of a multi-headed, quarrelled and struggling in a fierce and devastating squad struggle.”
The Polish Sejm after 1918 no longer conducted magnate comets, as in the late century of the First Republic. However, political parties have played a function in their role, which, more than programmes articleing the interests of peculiar groups and social classes, accounted for according to peculiar and caterical interests. The rampant seismo-power of the beginnings of the Second Republic, the disgrace of the assassination of the first president of the Republic of Poland, would seem to indicate that Poland did not draw any reasonable lessons from the Sarmatian bardach.
Years of partitions and captivity did not teach Poles the modern knowing of politics and its mechanisms. Rather, they were looped in a losing act of independency – frequently modeling the desperation of a wolf biting off his own paw stuck in snares. After 1918 independency was usually understood as a return to the position quo ante, where a hula soul without contemplation in noisy political clashes alternatively than as a par excellence policy, i.e. building compromises in the name of a modern state. The population of the Second Republic did not form a civilian nation, it appeared to be a tiny consolidated summation of cultural and sociostatus groups, which did not feel very powerfully about co-identity.
Since the dawn, the Second Republic has been undergoing dissociative disorders, as if it co-existed in 2 realities: the real inter-war and the dreams of the Jagiello power on a waking day.. strategical reasoning about what the face of civilization is expected to take Poland has been suppressed. This problem was left for erstwhile the brightest Republic of Poland was strengthened and then time would come to program the optimal systemic solution. This time did not come, due to the fact that the recently created structures of the Polish state were hijacked by a stream of ad hoc matters and challenges, in which the ambitions of overall reforms sank. independency was overwhelmed by socialism.
Protagonists of the May bombing intended to put an end to Poland's decision towards anarcho-mocracy and to the absolute cut of the "slow down" node of socio-political problems. As if they were trying to compare themselves to absolute governments from the neighbourhood that dominated the erstwhile Republic and stripped it shamelessly. Only that absolutism did not boil down to murderism, but it established an full complex of factors, among which challenging feudal class bourgeoisie with its rationalist spirit, a policy of mercantilism and a combination of resources for industrialization, as well as a centralised and competent state administration played a capital role. These processes have bypassed the Republic of Both Nations.
Post-May, Sanctification Governments, not so much choked with authoritarianism as they failed in the issue of the overall modernization of the Second Poland. Furthermore, it would be a task to measurement the work of Hercules, given that the ethnic-cultural screed of the inter-war Republic was complemented by a contrasting difference in the improvement of manufacturing forces in individual regions and their socio-economic incompatibility. In the Second Polish Republic, urban and industrial centres were lost in any provincial and agrarian areas of pre-modern life.
Józef Piłsudski not peculiarly into what modernisation is. The strength of the state was more imagined as the strength of powerful muscles – it is, of course, the muscles of the face that are stretched to mars mines – than the creation of real material and human state conditions. His glaciality apologised in this respect Adam Skwarczyński, which attributed to the defiance of May to the "moral revolution". Above all, he understood it as “a capitalization for future expansion—the way of the sacrifice of a lower life rate; the perfect of the harshness of life and morals, alternatively of the erstwhile bourgeois perfect of prosperity.” On the defender of this accumulation by self-mutilation stood the sanitation dictatorship. And "representing strength from time to time and reaching certain moments of ruthlessness, it did so almost exclusively in order to graze the most vicious weeds which after a period of captivity so profoundly rooted in us."
To 1 of the fewer competent modernizers in his camp, Eugeniusz KwiatkowskiPiłsudski was distant. The fact that the Second Republic could boast of building Gdynia or creating the Central Industrial territory was due to the initiative and commitment of Kwiatkowski. His message was: “It is not possible to put forward a more deceptive and harmful theory, specified as the fact that Poland's opposition to the phenomena of the crisis and global chaos lies in its primitive forms of economical development, in its current population structure, in its insignificant relation with the planet farm and in its separation from the political currents of the West. specified a doctrine would shortly prove to be as deceptive as it was in the 18th century, the rule that Poland stands as an harlot.” Unfortunately, however, the yields of Gdynia and COP were of an excremental nature, did not destruct the structural backwardness of Poland.
In the state self-presentation, the walsudczykowski camp gave a vent of drematology. Pretending to be a trusted associate of Piłsudski Valery Sławek Poland's motor forces saw in the fresh legion knighthood: "The knightly honor and rule of equality – these are the 2 chief commandments, they are the main principles of state and social thought, passed on to us as a legacy of the past of pre-marriage". This tromtadration was illustrated in the primacy of the state ritual in the Second Poland on creative and manufacturing work. Faced with the serious problem of backwardness and economical failure, with social and cultural inflexibility, inter-war Poland – in tuberculosis – was inflated by power. The planet has seen nothing but parades, ceremonial caps, Masses for Homeland.
Unfortunately, besides the endecia succumbed to this mind-blowing tromtadration. In the 1930s, a young generation of national democrats, annoyed by how authoritarianly swarfed the swarfs, and eager to participate in power, accused the thought of modernization, infatuating themselves with fascist and even russian patterns. He exhibited it. Marian Reutt, combining the player's successful enthusiasm with an intellectual effort to benefit ONR. All should be admitted that Reutt aptly – unlike the beauty of the sanitation – noted the increasing material power of the 3rd Reich and the russian Union. However, having collided with the failure and impotence of the Second Poland in his opinions, he came to the same conclusions as Pilsudczyk Skwarczyński. He was betting on “spiritual strength.” Poland “must be and be a nation of producers of greatness,” he said. Poland is sentenced to hard, natural and active life. In gigantic struggles for Poland, Poles are to look for happiness. (...) Polish culture must be a military culture of power.”
The 1939 Second Republic war disaster reinforced the defeat of the Jagiellonian-Sarmatian model of civilization. For inter-war Poland has taken over territorial fortitude, only that it is simply a miniaturized, pre-selection Republic, but especially its sociocultural spirit. The democracy of the Second Republic did not mess up the frequently reprehensible parliamentary-office practices between 1921 and 1926. Rather, he mowed it out in 1926. Disciplined and healing regulation of the sanation was most likely marked by the same patterns of culture which profiled the nobility's people and their seismocracy. Sarmack's rocosan, devota and urichords in the Second Republic were replaced by a legionary, a Jasniepanian bureaucrat and a battering patriot – and all of them were greedyly persuading erstwhile the tip from the barrel was struck. After all, in pre-September Poland the best continued the “ball in the opera” and it continued as in the camp close Żwań.
Prof. Jarosław Bratkiewicz
Think Poland, No. 17-18 (27.04-3.05.2026)
