In various historical periods and in different places on earth, there is an eternal longing for effective political leadership that can face unexpected challenges and dangerous threats to mankind.
Understanding the rules of the game of “force policy”, or as the French president Emmanuel Macro calls it – “power grammaticals”, puts the same task before all rulers – ensuring a dignified survival, protecting the full and identity of the large human community organized in the states. In fresh centuries, it has been established that the best political models of governments have been invented in Western countries, with marketplace economy and liberal democracy. Regardless of the social costs of pursuing the flagship demands of equality and freedom, Western democracies have managed to guarantee that citizens have a minimum equal respect for individual and group rights. Especially electoral rights and the regulation of law. Over the years, it was hoped in the West that the alleged remainder of the planet would follow the same path.
In a time of increasing developmental disparities and negative effects of globalisation, it turned out that the improvement of societies is not linear (the planet is not moving towards the “end of history” equivalent to the reign of liberal values across the planet), and 1 of the world's largest states – China – alternatively of taking over Western patterns, made a fascinating adaptation of the Western political dictatorship to the conditions of state capitalism. On the another hand, Russia came from russian totalitarianism into a hybrid strategy of capitalist “democracy”, which is closer to its tradition of authoritarian rule, judged by the Russians as the most effective.
The Fall of Western Democracy
At the same time, among Western countries, democratic institutions and the crisis of plural political culture are deteriorating, and the takeover of the state by powerful interest groups that have it. There is simply a consumption of existing democratic regimes, both organization and functional. Pending the restoration of systemic stableness – both within and in global relations – the public is prepared to agree to little democratic governments, but more effective in ensuring safety and guaranteeing a fair standard of living.
Populist Nationalism, of which choice was a bright manifestation Donald Trump for the president of America, means, as he teaches the experience of his term, a further regression. It has long been known that populist and nationalist leaders have been able to usage electoral legitimacy to strengthen their individual power and environment themselves with a ellipse of loyal oligarchs. They do not like independent institutions and effort to undermine control and balance mechanisms by politicising courts, media and civilian services.
Contrary to appearances, many Western politicians do the same as autocrats from another geopolitical areas, violating “good governance” standards and citing service to their own patriotic electorate. Regardless of rhetoric in the Western system, there is expanding tolerance for authoritarian politicians. Turkey has long been, but Hungary or Poland have rather late found knowing and support for quasi-dictatorial governance practices. It turns out that geopolitical interests are more crucial than respect for democratic standards. If politicians find support in frequently manipulated elections, paradoxically they have the right to build something that is in itself a contradiction – “non-liberal democracy”.
In this way, the magnificent “inventions” of the Western strategy take on caricature. The "Democratic recession" or "global retreat from democracy" is not only evidence of the crisis of the Western model of civilization, but besides an expression of the increasing, conscious and assertive opposition of the alleged planet remainder against practices imposed by the West. Hegemonic methods of dependence and subjugation of the weaker and the ruthless exploitation of the planet's resources at the expense of them origin defensive reflexes. erstwhile this phenomenon was individual, Western powers dealt with it. However, there is now the consolidation and cooperation of countries that are inactive referred to as “pariahs” of the global system. It is increasingly hard for the West to ignore specified opposition.
China is leading in this process, but besides Russia, India, Brazil, Turkey and others want to make an crucial contribution to the reconstruction of the current order. This is supported by the changing power ratio between Western powers, especially the US and China, and the rest. Countries suffering from various complexes towards the West are ready to make an effort to mobilise all measures to reconstruct collective forms of governance of the global system, to follow the rules of the game, based on balancing forces alternatively than their unilateral advantage.
American Politologist Francis Fukuyama These symptoms are related to the problem thymos, or the desire to admit dignity, the desire to be respected equally (Identity. Modern identity policy and the fight for recognition, Poznań 2019). This is reflected in the growth of various dignity movements, which usage the Renaissance of nationalisms, the request to redefine their identity, the defence of civilization's achievements, religion and culture. So we are dealing with global relations with a peculiar reaction to the centuries-old exaltation of the West and highlighting its uniqueness. The geopolitical and geoeconomic interests of the fresh powers are compounded by the desire to retaliate age humiliation and the desire to satisfy retaliation.
However, this phenomenon may happen on different vectors of global policy. It is not without Western participation that many “freedom breaks” were organised, commonly referred to as “colour revolutions” which were directed against Russia in the russian space or local clans in the mediate and mediate East (“Arab Spring” in Tunisia, Libya, Syria, Egypt, Yemen and others).
Ukraine’s “decent” war
Currently the most spectacular event is the “decent” war of Ukraine, which resists Russian aggression. However, there is simply a paradox in this phrase, due to the fact that alternatively of "regaining self-esteem", many Ukrainians have become victims of the top humanitarian disaster in the past of this nation.
The events of the Kiev Majdan (Independence Square) from the end of November 2013 to the end of February 2014 have already been regarded as a "revolutionary" and "decent" opposition of part of Ukrainian society to the decision of the legal president not to sign the association agreement of Ukraine with the European Union. For the protestors of this country, this was linked to restrictions on freedom of choice, including global affiliations. Many saw the reasons for specified a turn of events under Russian pressure.
Without going into the uncontested engagement of Western states, especially the United States, in the Ukrainian transformation, starting with the 2004 "Orange Revolution", it should be stressed that the "dignity policy" of subsequent Ukrainian governments has led to a conflict with the largest neighbour that advocates a "special" arrangement. It besides brought the Ukrainian state and its economy to the brink of a gap, and investments in arms and modernization of the army directed energy not towards the well-being of citizens, but towards war.
The Ukrainian authorities resented the history-famous buffering effect, which afraid the function of ‘putting down’ the influences of hostile empires in order to reduce the hazard of direct clash between them. Ukraine in the russian form fulfilled in many respects the conditions of the buffer state between Russia and the West. Henry Kissinger mentioned this repeatedly, calling for its neutralisation in 2014.
Due to the trans-civilisation nature of Ukrainian geopolitics, the multiplicity of various influences (as expressed in a mixture of language, culture, cultural and religious) and the inability to make a strong, uniform statehood, Ukraine could not only demarcate rival powers. It could besides advance cultural transmission, the construction of transport and communication routes, and, above all, make money building "bridges", stabilising peace and maintaining the position quo. However, for the purposes of Western mentors ruling Ukraine, they resigned their search modus vivendi Russia. It was established at the start of interests and forces (since the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the outbreak of a bloody armed conflict in the east of the state), which ended with the outbreak of a regular war. Ukraine is her tragic victim, despite the broad aid and support of the West.
The effects of war in Ukraine are hard to predict. 1 thing is certain that national recognition of Ukrainians from now on will be based on policies of resentiment, rematch and revenge. It is only for this reason that Ukraine will become a long-term establishment of an endemic conflict which the Ukrainians themselves will not be able to solve. Poland found itself in this context at the most hard minute of its post-cold war history, condemning the "eternal" conflict with Russia and the deficiency of any benefit from the asymmetric attitude of the donor and selfless donor towards Ukraine. The promises to participate in the post-war reconstruction of the Ukrainian state may bring more disappointment than benefits in existing conditions.
Patos and grotesque
Ukraine is 1 of the unfortunate participants in global relations whose leadership has been utilized to realise another people's interests. The main goal of the Kiev authorities is to preserve comparative autonomy and autonomy over external protectors and antagonists. The Ukrainian State is incapable to change or argue another states' policies. However, it can defend its decision-making autonomy and territorial integrity by seeking to balance between limited autonomy and complete incapacitation. There are serious concerns that the dependence on Ukraine due to the scale of the U.S., NATO and the European Union's participation in the war effort is condemning it to long years of subordination and extrasterility.
At the same time, caused by the sufferings and destructions of war resenty, and on the another hand the increasing cult of war heroes (historical and contemporary) gained specified emotional rank and moral sanctions in the Western planet that Ukraine, regardless of the state of ruin of its statehood, began to attribute itself to a peculiar function of defender of the values of the West to “the Moscow barbary”. The pathos mixed with grotesque leads to fun.
Under the mask of pretence for a peculiar mission on behalf of the West and a heroic past mission Ukrainians make extremist nationalism, which after any time, erstwhile cannonfires are silenced, will conflict with the outside planet of standards and values, requiring tolerance and respect for differences. Moreover, the Ukrainian oligarchs, with the approval of the West, “conservate” a long-standing kleptocratic strategy of government, far from democracy, becoming a hostage to the commitments made during the war. The road to the reconstruction of truly independent and democratic Ukraine is being extended ad calendas Graecas.
The preaching of proukrain narratives internationally leads to cognitive dissonances and falsification of the image of this state, and especially of its political elite. Mythology and symbolization of the war heroism and suffering of the victim gives the perfect basis for national self-determination and final separation of Ukrainians from Russians. but it is besides a dangerous trap, connected with the knowing of nationalism and the purity of ethnos as a political principle. The radicalisation of anti-Russian sentiments can hit the part of Ukrainian society, which is of mixed character, even due to the usage of Russian. This phenomenon was already the origin of interior conflict and the emergence of separatist tendencies in the east of Ukraine.
Putting specified people under the belt of cultural purity will always lead to erratic tragedies. And there will be accusations – more or little legitimate – of favour and even collaboration with the enemy. Lessons in the dissolution of Yugoslavia from the 1990s of the last century should be cited as a cautionary and memento in this context. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian War has been seen as the most crucial event in Europe since planet War II, forgetting the tragedy of the Balkan Wars. Has past taught us nothing again?
A sense of dignity involves a desire for recognition. In the case of nations building their fresh identity, forged in battlefields, there is simply a natural request for others to appreciate this effort. However, this hunger for designation causes dangerous claims syndrome. It refers both to the expectations of unlimited material assistance and generous financial support, but besides to the peculiar treatment of Ukrainian citizens.
In the case of Poland, altruistic donations to Ukraine and Ukrainians took place rational lending transactions. no of the ruling authorities shall explain either the legal basis for providing non-refundable assistance or the absence of any public control or supervision over the management of the funds transferred. This does not interest politicians or media representatives. The emergency situation relieves the rulers of respect for basic standards of transparency and fairness.
Apoteosis of the ‘nation-hero’
However, we are besides dealing with a dangerous apologetic "nation-hero", which leads not only to cognitive aberrations, but besides to average abuses. On a mass scale, the image of Ukrainians is being built as a circumstantial “chosen nation”, people with extraordinary skills, achievements and qualities. It is created at the silent agreement of the outside planet of the false past of the Ukrainian people, moving today's images into the distant past. This phenomenon is called modernization and heroization of history, not having much to do with historical truth.
At the same time, the Russian culture is distorted to lift Ukrainian culture to the pedestal, and Ukrainian artists occupy in non-competitive mode in many areas and on many scenes foregrounds. This creates a climate of manipulation, protection, demands and abuse. We are witnessing a well-directed spectacle whose protagonists parent naive politicians and large sects of the societies of another countries to participate in this shameful war.
I have already written in “Polish Thought” about the apotheosis of war (MP 29-30, 17-24.07.2022). Unfortunately, many erstwhile observations have not lost their current status. We are dealing with a increasing commercialization of the war in Ukraine. The war is about honor, peace and justice. Unfortunately, there are besides immense profits to be made, as all parties, straight and indirectly active in warfare, military training, arms supply and supplies, confirm.
After the end of the war – 1 day it will happen – there will come a time of real balances and settlements. Subsequent phases following the suspension of armed forces will most likely bring interior conflicts to keep power, division of work or dramatic prosecution of criminals and criminals. Experience has shown that in these trials the shameful “sins” of each of the warring parties are revealed. The deliberately created media message about barbarian invaders and knightly defenders ceases to be black and white and frequently loses its credibility.
It should be borne in head that in the identity policy of each organization there is simply a phenomenon of relativisation of many acts which have the character of crime. The vulnerability of civilians to the another party's attack, the refusal to evacuate from the areas of anticipated combat, the intimidation of panic and ad hoc sentences are tools known from various war theatres. During the war, moral inhibitions lose power, and human harm breaks down on each side.
War disasters besides do not favour revisions of positions in relation to historical crimes. The point is not to repeat the crimes of the Ukrainians from the past. But the fact that, in the context of Ukraine's ongoing defence war and in the context of the generous assistance of the public and the Polish state, there has been no appearance of the current Ukrainian authorities for the Volyn crime should make you think. The dignity of each nation has its price and must not be relativised for cyclical reasons, as Polish political and media circles do. Nor should we buy with the memory of victims of crimes on compatriots in hard Polish-Ukrainian relations. The foundation of relationship built on empathy and solidarity of war may turn out to be unstable and fall under the force of reminiscence and resentimation of subsequent generations of Poles.
Prof. Stanisław Bielen
photo public domain
Think Poland, No. 3-4 (15-22.01.2023)
