Andrzej Werblan on Polish history

I late wrote to the Polish thought a review published by the Oratio Recta Foundation, edited by Paweł Dybicz, of the work entitled “Polish People's past True”. Today, as announced, I will deal with the published, in the same release, besides under the editorial board P. Dybicza is simply a collection of articles by Andrzej Werblan entitled “Truth and Realism” devoted to the latest past of Poland after 1939.

The author, born before the war in Tarnopol, travelled through the war a road typical of many Kresowians. In 1940, he and his household were deported to Siberia. To resume diplomatic relations between Poland and the USSR, he went to General W. Anders' army. Unfortunately, he suffered from typhus on his way, and after he recovered, it turned out that Anders' Army was no longer in the USSR. He so joined the Polish Army formed by General Z. Berling, in which he served until 1947. After leaving the army, he served many liable functions, both in the state and in the PZPR apparatus. In the 21st, he began publishing a series of articles in which he described his experiences, as well as evaluating the past era in which he himself actively participated. A fewer years ago, 2 works were published, a evidence of talks he had with an opposition activist. Karol ModzelewskiAnd now we've got another part of it.

In his book fact and Realism, A. Werblan made many very interesting remarks about the fresh past of Poland, starting with the outbreak of planet War II and ending with the era of the circular Table. Today, full of disbelief about the past of Poland, as part of the alleged historical policy, it is worth learning the views of the author, presented calmly without any confusion.

And so about the demonized pact Ribbentrop - Molotov author writes that regardless of its conclusion Hitler would surely hit Poland in 1939. The decision to attack was taken in April 1939 after Poland and large Britain granted common guarantees. Hitler set the deadline for the fall of 1939. According to the author, with whom we should agree, the pact with Stalin was not needed by Hitler. He only made it to calm his generals fearing war on 2 fronts.

Another misconception, which Werblan tries to correct, is the ruling in Poland today, that the execution of Polish prisoners of war in the USSR in 1940 was something without precedent. Well, the author points out that the murders of prisoners of war were on the agenda both in distant times, as evidenced by the fact that Poles murdered in 1535 after capturing the stronghold of Starodub in Smolenszczyń, taken prisoner of Russian and contemporary prisoners, specified as killing hundreds of thousands of russian prisoners of war by the Germans, and by the nipponese prisoners of British, American and Chinese.

The author's reflections on Stalin's changing views about the Polish western border are besides very interesting. A. Werblan points out that at first, during the Conference of the large Trinity in Tehran, Stalin favored Churchill and Roosevelt's view that Poland should receive compensation only in the form of parts of East Prussia, Gdańsk and Opole Silesia. There was no mention of Wrocław or Szczecin. According to the author, the entry into war with the Red Army 1 of the Polish T. Kościuszko Division contributed to Stalin's change of opinion, so in present-day Poland, which was postulated.

Andrzej Werblan in an interview with Robert Walenciak

Werblan will besides argue with the popular opinion in today's Poland that during the first phase of the Soviet-German war russian soldiers were subject to mass captivity due to the fact that they refused to defend the USSR. According to the author, this was due to a different reason, namely Stalin's command “no step back.” As a result, the Germans surrounded large russian groups, which had to yet capitulate, and the soldiers went into captivity. In 1942, erstwhile Stalin gave command of the Red Army into the hands of professionals, there was no longer a phenomenon of mass taking of prisoners by the Germans. On a section of the Stalingrad Red Army, though it was retreating, but it could not be surrounded, so the supply of prisoners decreased dramatically.

It is very interesting to read: “Nicholas could have saved Warsaw?’ Werblan, based on russian documents, argues that if in 1944 during a visit to Moscow St. Mikołajczyk would communicate with Stalin, the second would free Warsaw in August 1944 and give it to Mikołajczyk. Santa would go consecutive from Moscow to the liberated capital. His opinion is based on any unknown document. During his visit to Moscow, Stalin directed Marshal G. Żukov – Deputy Chief Commander of the Armed Forces to the marshal's office on 3 August 1944. Konstanty Rokossowski – the then commander of the 1st Belarusian Front and prepare a plan to win Warsaw. This plan was prepared by both marshals and presented to Stalin on 8 August for approval. The offensive was to begin on 25 August with an attack from Grójc and Pulatuska to circular Warsaw. about 1 million soldiers and 2 1000 tanks were to participate in the offensive. In late August 1944 Warsaw would be free. Unfortunately, due to the fact that Mikołajczyk did not come to an agreement with Stalin, he ordered the plan put on the shelf. The paradox is that a year later Mikołajczyk agreed with Stalin, but on worse conditions and returned from Moscow to Warsaw, only that completely destroyed.

To finish the discussion of the author's reflection on the course of planet War II, it is worth quoting the words of the editor-in-chief of the Paris Culture Jerzy Giedroycia“All those politicians and Polish journalists who condemn Yalta and Potsdam in the pulpit, who talk as if they wanted to retroactively remove Poland from the anti-Hitler coalition, who forget or do not know that participation in this coalition is the only title of Poland to its current borders, who undermine the continuity of the Polish state in various constitutional forms and with different spheres of sovereignty and who in the anti-communist fervor are prepared to accuse the People's Authority of crimes that it has not committed – that they all act against Poland.” This is how the current Polish rulers like to quote Giedroycia, but for any reason they do not speak.

When discussing the author’s views on the postwar Polish reality, it is worth quoting his words at the beginning: “Those who combine with a light word and treat the Nazi business equally with the vassal dependence of postwar independent national states of Central Europe from the USSR show deficiency of reason or utmost cynicism. They don’t know what they’re talking about or knowingly cheating.” What timely words! I myself witnessed how during the celebration of the anniversary of the establishment of the Home Army on 14 February this year, the speakers claimed that in Poland in 1945 1 business was replaced by another

Returning to discussion of Werblan's views on postwar reality, it is worth noting an interesting reflection about the Nicolasian PSL. According to the author, the only chance of endurance of the PSL, and thus the defective, but nevertheless pluralism in political life, was the accession of the PSL in 1947 to the joint electoral block with the another parties. In addition, the PPS activists, willing to even quit part of their parking tickets, urged Nicholas. Unfortunately, Mikołajczyk, not to mention that a referendum was falsified in 1946, which did not trigger any reaction from Western powers, decided to run for himself in the election. The course of events is already known. The proceeding with the PSL facilitated the process of absorption of the PPS by the PPR and the creation of the PZPR.

The author besides deals with the story of the widespread opposition of society to fresh power, indicating that after the amnesty of 1947 there were no more than 2 1000 people left in the underground and in 1948 only about 800 people left. So there is no mention of the national uprising that lasted until 1963, according to the IPN.

The second volume of work is devoted to times from October 1956 until the fall of the Polish People's Republic. I have the impression (maybe mistaken) that most of the author's statements contained in this volume are a repetition of the conversation with Karol Modzelewski. There are besides fresh insights, specified as the fact that during the period 1957-1967 the number of political prisoners mostly did not exceed a fewer or a dozen, so much little than in England, Germany, not to mention Frankist Spain or Salazar Portugal. How this clashes with the image of People's Poland promoted by politicians and the media. Werblan besides repeats in talks with Modzelewski thesis that the most outstanding figure of the People's Poland was Władysław Gomulka, distinguished by farsightedness and realism. There's no way to disagree with that.

A very valuable paper is included in the annex, translated from Russian, evidence of talks between the Polish and russian delegations which took place in Belvedere in October 1956. The paper was drawn up for the needs of russian leadership by a Polish-speaking Jan Dzierżyński - Felix's son. Thanks to this evidence we can learn how dramatic the talks were and how hard he presented in defence of Polish interests Władysław Gomulka.

In summary, the reader got hands on a very interesting work about the latest past of Poland, told by the associate of those events. Many of the author's observations will undoubtedly prompt the reader to think deeper about the destiny of the Polish people in the second half of the 20th century. It would be good if this position became compulsory for advanced school students. It would surely be an antidote to the black propaganda of the IPN in the life of the state and nation. Unfortunately, I know that this is unrealistic today, but who knows what the future will bring.

Jacek Marczyński

Andrzej Werblan, "Truth and Realism" (under the editorial board of Paweł Dybicz), Wydawnictwo Fundacja Oratio Recta, Warszawa 2023, t. Iss.380; t. II pp. 349

Photo by NAC

Think Poland, No. 9-10 (1-8.03.2026)